Most of us are not in communion with anything. We are not directly in communion with our friends, with our wives, with our children.So to understand sorrow, surely you must love it, must you not? That is, you must be in direct communion with it. If you would understand something, your neighbor, your wife, or any relationship, if you would understand something completely, you must be near it. You must come to it without any objection, prejudice, condemnation, or repulsion; you must look at it, must you not?
If I would understand you, I must have no prejudices about you. I must be capable of looking at you, not through barriers, screens of my prejudices and conditionings. I must be in communion with you, which means I must love you. Similarly, if I would understand sorrow, I must love it, I must be in communion with it. I cannot do so because I am running away from it through explanations, through theories, through hopes, through postponements, which are all the process of verbalization. So words prevent me from being in communion with sorrow. Words prevent me -words of explanations, rationalizations, which are still words, which are the mental process- from being directly in communion with sorrow. It is only when I am in communion with sorrow that I understand it. - J. Krishnamurti, The Book of Life
Sunday, July 31, 2011
順治皇帝出家詩
天下叢林飯似山 缽盂到處任君餐
黃金白玉非為貴 惟有袈裟披身難
朕為大地山河主 憂國憂民事轉煩
百年三萬六千日 不及僧家半日閒
來時糊塗去時迷 空在人間走這回
未曾生我誰是我 生我之時我是誰
長大成人方是我 合眼矇矓又是誰
不如不來亦不去 來時歡喜去時悲
悲歡離合多勞慮 何日清閒誰得知
若能了達僧家事 從此回頭不算遲
世間難比出家人 無牽無掛得安宜
口中吃得清和味 身上常穿百衲衣
五湖四海為上客 皆因宿世種菩提
個個都是真羅漢 披搭如來三種衣
金烏玉兔東復西 為人切莫用心機
百年世事三更夢 萬里乾坤一局棋
禹開九洲湯放桀 秦吞六國漢登基
古來多少英雄漢 南北山頭臥土泥
黃袍換卻紫袈裟 只為當年一念差
我本西方一衲子 為何落在帝王家
十八年來不自由 南征北討幾時休
我今撒手西方去 不管千秋與萬秋
黃金白玉非為貴 惟有袈裟披身難
朕為大地山河主 憂國憂民事轉煩
百年三萬六千日 不及僧家半日閒
來時糊塗去時迷 空在人間走這回
未曾生我誰是我 生我之時我是誰
長大成人方是我 合眼矇矓又是誰
不如不來亦不去 來時歡喜去時悲
悲歡離合多勞慮 何日清閒誰得知
若能了達僧家事 從此回頭不算遲
世間難比出家人 無牽無掛得安宜
口中吃得清和味 身上常穿百衲衣
五湖四海為上客 皆因宿世種菩提
個個都是真羅漢 披搭如來三種衣
金烏玉兔東復西 為人切莫用心機
百年世事三更夢 萬里乾坤一局棋
禹開九洲湯放桀 秦吞六國漢登基
古來多少英雄漢 南北山頭臥土泥
黃袍換卻紫袈裟 只為當年一念差
我本西方一衲子 為何落在帝王家
十八年來不自由 南征北討幾時休
我今撒手西方去 不管千秋與萬秋
Saturday, July 30, 2011
Evading Sorrow
Most of us have sorrow in different forms --- in relationship, in the death of someone, in not fulfilling oneself and withering away to nothing, or in trying to achieve, trying to become something, and meeting with total failure. And there is the whole problem of sorrow on the physical side: illness, blindness, incapacitation, paralysis, and so on. Everywhere there is this extraordinary thing called sorrow, with death waiting round the corner. And we do not know how to meet sorrow, so either we worship it, or rationalize it, or try to run away from it. Go to any Christian church and you will find that sorrow is worshipped; it is made into something extraordinary, holy, and it is said that only through sorrow, through the crucified Christ, can you find God. In the East they have their own forms of evasion, other ways of avoiding sorrow, and it seems to me an extraordinary thing that so very few, whether in the East or in the West, are really free of sorrow. It would be a marvelous thing if in the process of your listening, unemotionally, not sentimentally to what is being said, you could really understand sorrow and be totally free of it; because then there would be no self-deception, no illusions, no anxieties, no fear, and the brain could function clearly, sharply, logically. And then, perhaps, one would know what love is. - J. Krishnamurti, The Book of Life
Follow the movement of suffering
"What is suffering? What does it mean? What is it that is suffering? Not why there is suffering, not what is the cause of suffering, but what is actually happening? I do not know if you see the difference. Then I am simply aware of suffering, not as apart from me, not as an observer watching suffering, it is part of me, that is, the whole of me is suffering. Then I am able to follow its movement, see where it leads. Surely if I do that, it opens up, does it not? Then I see that I have laid emphasis on the 'me' - not on the person whom I love. He only acted to cover me from my misery, from my loneliness, from my misfortune. As I am not something, I hoped he would be that. That has gone; I am left, I am lost, I am lonely. Without him, I am nothing. So I cry. It is not that he is gone but that I am left. I am alone.There are innumerable people to help me to escape, thousands of so-called religious people, with their beliefs and dogmas, hopes and fantasies: 'It is karma, it is God's will', you know, all giving me a way out. But if I can stay with it and not put it away from me, not try to circumscribe or deny it, then what happens? What is the state of my mind when it is thus following the movement of suffering? - J. Krishnamurti, The Book of Life
Spontaneous comprehension
We never say, 'Let me see what that thing is that suffers.' You cannot see by enforcement, by discipline. You must look with interest, with spontaneous comprehension. Then you will see that the thing we call suffering, pain, the thing that we avoid, and the discipline, have all gone. As long as I have no relationship to the thing as outside me, the problem is not; the moment I establish a relationship with it outside me, the problem is. As long as I treat suffering as something outside -I suffer because I lost my brother, because I have no money, because of this or that- I establish a relationship to it and that relationship is fictitious. But if I am that thing, if I see the fact, then the whole thing is transformed, it all has a different meaning. Then there is full attention, integrated attention and that which is completely regarded is understood and dissolved, and so there is no fear and therefore the word sorrow is non-existent. - J. Krishnamurti, The Book of Life
The center of suffering
When you see a most lovely thing, a beautiful mountain, a beautiful sunset, a ravishing smile, a ravishing face, that fact stuns you, and you are silent; hasn't it ever happened to you? Then you hug the world in your arms. But that is something from outside which comes to your mind, but I am talking of the mind which is not stunned but which wants to look, to observe. Now, can you observe without all this upsurging of conditioning? To a person in sorrow, I explain in words; sorrow is inevitable, sorrow is the result of fulfillment. When all explanations (from the conditioned self) have completely stopped, then only can you look -which means you are not looking from the center. When you look from a center, your faculties of observation are limited. If I hold to a post and want to be there, there is a strain, there is pain. When I look from the center into suffering, there is suffering. It is the incapacity to observe that creates pain. I cannot observe if I think, function, see from a center- as when I say, 'I must have no pain, I must find out why I suffer, I must escape.' When I observe from a center, whether the center is a conclusion, an idea, hope, despair, or anything else, that observation is very restricted, very narrow, very small, and that engenders sorrow. - J. Krishnamurti, The Book of Life
An immensity beyond all measure
What happens when you lose someone by death? The immediate reaction is a sense of paralysis, and when you come out of that state of shock, there is what we call sorrow. Now, what does that word sorrow mean? The companionship, the happy words, the walks, the many pleasant things you did and hoped to do together -all this is taken away in a second, and you are left empty, naked, lonely. That is what you are objecting to, that is what the mind rebels against: being suddenly left to itself, utterly lonely, empty, without any support. Now, what matters is to live with that emptiness, just to live with it without any reaction, without rationalizing it, without running away from it to mediums, to the theory of reincarnation, and all that stupid nonsense,to live with it with your whole being. And if you go into it step by step you will find that there is an ending of sorrow,a real ending, not just a verbal ending, not the superficial ending that comes through escape, through identification with a concept, or commitment to an idea. Then you will find there is nothing to protect, because the mind is completely empty and is no longer reacting in the sense of trying to fill that emptiness; and when all sorrow has thus come to an end, you will have started on another journey,a journey that has no ending and no beginning. There is an immensity that is beyond all measure, but you cannot possibly enter into that world without the total ending of sorrow. - J. Krishnamurti, The Book of Life
Live with sorrow
We all have sorrow. Don't you have sorrow in one form or another? And do you want to know about it? If you do, you can analyze it and explain why you suffer. You can read books on the subject, or go to the church, and you will soon know something about sorrow. But I am not talking about that; I am talking about the ending of sorrow. Knowledge does not end sorrow.
The ending of sorrow begins with the facing of psychological facts within oneself and being totally aware of all the implications of those facts from moment to moment. This means never escaping from the fact that one is in sorrow, never rationalizing it, never offering an opinion about it, but living with that fact completely.
You know, to live with the beauty of those mountains and not get accustomed to it is very difficult. You have beheld those mountains, heard the stream, and seen the shadows creep across the valley, day after day; and have you not noticed how easily you get used to it all? You say, 'Yes, it is quite beautiful,' and you pass by. To live with beauty, or to live with an ugly thing, and not become habituated to it requires enormous energy,an awareness that does not allow your mind to grow dull. In the same way, sorrow dulls the mind if you merely get used to it,and most of us do get used to it. But you need not get used to sorrow. You can live with sorrow, understand it, go into it -but not in order to know about it. You know that sorrow is there; it is a fact, and there is nothing more to know. You have to live. - J. Krishnamurti, The Book of Life
The ending of sorrow begins with the facing of psychological facts within oneself and being totally aware of all the implications of those facts from moment to moment. This means never escaping from the fact that one is in sorrow, never rationalizing it, never offering an opinion about it, but living with that fact completely.
You know, to live with the beauty of those mountains and not get accustomed to it is very difficult. You have beheld those mountains, heard the stream, and seen the shadows creep across the valley, day after day; and have you not noticed how easily you get used to it all? You say, 'Yes, it is quite beautiful,' and you pass by. To live with beauty, or to live with an ugly thing, and not become habituated to it requires enormous energy,an awareness that does not allow your mind to grow dull. In the same way, sorrow dulls the mind if you merely get used to it,and most of us do get used to it. But you need not get used to sorrow. You can live with sorrow, understand it, go into it -but not in order to know about it. You know that sorrow is there; it is a fact, and there is nothing more to know. You have to live. - J. Krishnamurti, The Book of Life
Monday, July 25, 2011
self concept, work motivation
Leonard, N. H., Beauvais, L. L., & Scholl, R. W. (1999). Work Motivation: The Incorporation of Self-Concept-Based Processes. Human Relations, 52(8), 969-998.
Korman, A. K. (1970 ). Toward a hypothesis of work behaviour. Journal of Applied Psychology, 56, 31-41.
Gecas, V. (1982). The Self-Concept. Annual Review of Sociology, 8(ArticleType: research-article / Full publication date: 1982 / Copyright © 1982 Annual Reviews), 1-33.
Korman, A. K. (1970 ). Toward a hypothesis of work behaviour. Journal of Applied Psychology, 56, 31-41.
Gecas, V. (1982). The Self-Concept. Annual Review of Sociology, 8(ArticleType: research-article / Full publication date: 1982 / Copyright © 1982 Annual Reviews), 1-33.
cultural psychology
- Markus, H., Kitayama, S., & Heiman, R. (1996). Culture and "basic"psychological principles. Social psychology: Handbook of basic principles (pp. 857-913). New York: Guilford Press.
- Fung, H. H., Carstensen, L. L., & Lutz, A. (in press). The influence of timeon social preferences: Implications for life-span development. Psychology and Aging.
- cultures that differ in their orientation to time (Helfrich, 1996; Kluckhorn & Strodtbeck, 1961)
- Helfrich, H. (1996). Psychology of time from a cross-cultural perspective. In H. Helfrich (Ed.), Time and mind (pp. 103-118). Seattle, WA: Hogrefe & Huber.
- Kluckhorn, F., & Strodtbeck, F^ (1961). Variations in value orientations. Evanston, IL: Row, Peterson.
- Carstensen, L. L., Isaacowitz, D. M., & Charles, S. T. (1999). Taking time seriously: A theory of socioemotional selectivity. American Psychologist, 54, 165-181.
- Jones (1988), for example, observed that African culture and African American subcultures encourage a temporal focus on the present and that such cultures place relatively more value on pleasantness and enjoyment of life than cultures dominated by a future orientation.
- Jones, J. M. (1988). Cultural differences in temporal perspectives: Instrumental and expressive behaviors in time. In J. E. McGrath (Ed.), The social psychology of time: New perspectives (pp. 21-38). Newbury, CA: Sage.
- Shalom H. Schwartz, Wolfgang Bilsky, Journai of Personality and Social Psychology ; 1990. Vol. 58, No. 5.878-889, Toward a Theory of the Universal Content and Structure of Values: Extensions and Cross-Cultural Replications
Sunday, July 24, 2011
Dorfman, P. W., & Howell, J. P. (1988). Dimensions of national culture and effective leadership patterns: Hofstede revisited. Advances in International Comparative Management, 3, 127–150.
Robertson, C. J., Al-Khatib, J. A., & Al-Habib, M. (2002). The relationship between Arab values and work beliefs: An exploratory study. Thunderbird International Business Review, 44, 583–601.
The Arab world is generally viewed as a collectivistic society that has tended to de-emphasize the individual as an end in and of itself (e.g., Abu-Saad, 1998; Ali, Taqi, & Krishnan, 1997). This is consistent with Hofstede’s original finding, where he
classified the “Arab” group as low in individualism. However, it is notable that Hofstede (1980) provides an extremely broad classification for “Arab” consisting of Egypt, Iraq, Kuwait, Lebanon, Libya, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates. While Hofstede’s research has had an extremely important impact on understanding
cross-cultural behavior, this large classification is clearly a limitation of his findings and highlights the need for additional research that is country-specific in the Middle East.
Robertson, C. J., Al-Khatib, J. A., & Al-Habib, M. (2002). The relationship between Arab values and work beliefs: An exploratory study. Thunderbird International Business Review, 44, 583–601.
The Arab world is generally viewed as a collectivistic society that has tended to de-emphasize the individual as an end in and of itself (e.g., Abu-Saad, 1998; Ali, Taqi, & Krishnan, 1997). This is consistent with Hofstede’s original finding, where he
classified the “Arab” group as low in individualism. However, it is notable that Hofstede (1980) provides an extremely broad classification for “Arab” consisting of Egypt, Iraq, Kuwait, Lebanon, Libya, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates. While Hofstede’s research has had an extremely important impact on understanding
cross-cultural behavior, this large classification is clearly a limitation of his findings and highlights the need for additional research that is country-specific in the Middle East.
Meeting sorrow
How do you meet sorrow? I'm afraid that most of us meet it very superficially. Our education, our training, our knowledge, the sociological influences to which we are exposed, all make us superficial.
A superficial mind is one that escapes to the church, to some conclusion, to some concept, to some belief or idea. Those are all a refuge for the superficial mind that is in sorrow. And if you cannot find a refuge, you build a wall around yourself and become cynical, hard, indifferent, or you escape through some facile, neurotic reaction. All such defenses against suffering prevent further inquiry.
Please watch your own mind; observe how you explain your sorrows away, lose yourself in work, in ideas, or cling to a belief in God, or in a future life. And if no explanation, no belief has been satisfactory, you escape through drink, through sex, or by becoming cynical, hard, bitter brittle. Generation after generation it has been passed on by parents to their children, and the superficial mind never takes the bandage off that wound; it does not really know, it is not really acquainted with sorrow. It merely has an idea about sorrow. It has a picture, a symbol of sorrow, but it never meets sorrow, it meets only the word sorrow." - J. Krishnamurti, The Book of Life
A superficial mind is one that escapes to the church, to some conclusion, to some concept, to some belief or idea. Those are all a refuge for the superficial mind that is in sorrow. And if you cannot find a refuge, you build a wall around yourself and become cynical, hard, indifferent, or you escape through some facile, neurotic reaction. All such defenses against suffering prevent further inquiry.
Please watch your own mind; observe how you explain your sorrows away, lose yourself in work, in ideas, or cling to a belief in God, or in a future life. And if no explanation, no belief has been satisfactory, you escape through drink, through sex, or by becoming cynical, hard, bitter brittle. Generation after generation it has been passed on by parents to their children, and the superficial mind never takes the bandage off that wound; it does not really know, it is not really acquainted with sorrow. It merely has an idea about sorrow. It has a picture, a symbol of sorrow, but it never meets sorrow, it meets only the word sorrow." - J. Krishnamurti, The Book of Life
religiosity decreases in later life (Cavan et al. 1949; Albrecht 1958; Hunter and Maurice 1953; Bahr 1970; Blazer and Palmore 1976). Others have argued that people actually turn more toward the church in later years (e.g., Fichter 1952, 1954; Toch 1953; Argyle 1959; Gray and Moberg 1962; Glock et al. 1967). It is likely that this early disagreement in the literature had less to do with the effect of age and mc.re to do with the researchers' various measures of religious participation (Mindel and Vaughan 1978; Ainlay and Hunter 1984).
Cavan, Ruth, Ernest Burgess, R. W. Havighurst, and E. Goldhammer 1949 Personal adjustment in old age. Chicago, IL: Science Research Associates.
Albrecht, R. E. 1958 The meaning of religion to older people - the social aspect. In Organized religion and the older person, edited by D. L. Scudder, 53-70. Gainesville, FL: University of Florida Press.
Hunter, W. W., and H. Maurice 1953 Older people teU their story. Ann Arbor,
MI: University of Michigan Press.
Bahr, Howard 1970 Aging and religious disaffiliation. Social Forces 49(1):59-71 (September).
Blazer, Daniel, and Erdman Palmore 1976 Religion and aging in a longitudinal panel.
The Gerontologist 16(1):82-85 (February)
Toch, Hans 1953 Attitudes of the fifty plus age group: Preliminary considerations for a longitudinal study. Public Opinion Quarterly 17:391-94.
Ainlay, Stephen C., and D. Randall Smith 1984 Aging and religious participation. Journal of Gerontology 39(3):357-363 (May).
Cavan, Ruth, Ernest Burgess, R. W. Havighurst, and E. Goldhammer 1949 Personal adjustment in old age. Chicago, IL: Science Research Associates.
Albrecht, R. E. 1958 The meaning of religion to older people - the social aspect. In Organized religion and the older person, edited by D. L. Scudder, 53-70. Gainesville, FL: University of Florida Press.
Hunter, W. W., and H. Maurice 1953 Older people teU their story. Ann Arbor,
MI: University of Michigan Press.
Bahr, Howard 1970 Aging and religious disaffiliation. Social Forces 49(1):59-71 (September).
Blazer, Daniel, and Erdman Palmore 1976 Religion and aging in a longitudinal panel.
The Gerontologist 16(1):82-85 (February)
Toch, Hans 1953 Attitudes of the fifty plus age group: Preliminary considerations for a longitudinal study. Public Opinion Quarterly 17:391-94.
Ainlay, Stephen C., and D. Randall Smith 1984 Aging and religious participation. Journal of Gerontology 39(3):357-363 (May).
Elder, G. H. (1979). Historical change in life patterns and personality. In P. Baltes, & O. Brim, Life-span development and behaviorVol. 2. New York: Academic Press.
Elder, G. H. (1981a). History and the life course. In D. Bertaux, Biography and society: The life history approach in the social sciences. Beverly Hills, CA: Sage.
Elder, G. H. (1981b). Social history and life experience. In D. H. Eichorn, J. A. Clausen, N. Haan, M. P. Honzik, & P. H. Mussen, Present and past in middle life. New York: Academic Press.
Elder, G. H. (1981a). History and the life course. In D. Bertaux, Biography and society: The life history approach in the social sciences. Beverly Hills, CA: Sage.
Elder, G. H. (1981b). Social history and life experience. In D. H. Eichorn, J. A. Clausen, N. Haan, M. P. Honzik, & P. H. Mussen, Present and past in middle life. New York: Academic Press.
Saturday, July 23, 2011
Intergenerational differences in mental boundaries
Barbuto, J. E., Bryant, S., & Pennisi, L. A. (2010). INTERGENERATIONAL DIFFERENCES IN MENTAL BOUNDARIES. Psychological Reports, 106(2), 562-566
382 employees in government offices were surveyed using demographic variables and organizational and interpersonal boundaries. Analysis of variance indicated a significant difference in Mental Boundary Score between Baby Boomers I (born 1946-1954) and Generation X (born 1965-1976) cohorts.
382 employees in government offices were surveyed using demographic variables and organizational and interpersonal boundaries. Analysis of variance indicated a significant difference in Mental Boundary Score between Baby Boomers I (born 1946-1954) and Generation X (born 1965-1976) cohorts.
McCrae, R. R., Costa, P. T., Hr̆ebíc̆ková, M., Urbánek, T., Martin, T. A., Oryol, V. E., . . . Senin, I. G. (2004). Age differences in personality traits across cultures: self-report and observer perspectives. European Journal of Personality, 18(2), 143-157.
Using self-report measures, longitudinal studies in the US and cross-sectional studies from many cultures suggest that the broad factors of Neuroticism, Extraversion, and Openness to Experience decline from adolescence to adulthood, whereas Agreeableness and Conscientiousness increase. Data are inconsistent on the rate of change during adulthood, and on the generalizability of self-report findings to informant ratings. We analysed cross-sectional data from self-reports and informant ratings on the Revised NEO Personality Inventory in Czech (N = 705) and Russian (N = 800) samples. Some curvilinear effects were found, chiefly in the Czech sample; informant data generally replicated self-reports, although the effects were weaker. Although many of the details are not yet clear, there appear to be pan-cultural trends in personality development that are consistent with the hypothesis of intrinsic maturation.
Using self-report measures, longitudinal studies in the US and cross-sectional studies from many cultures suggest that the broad factors of Neuroticism, Extraversion, and Openness to Experience decline from adolescence to adulthood, whereas Agreeableness and Conscientiousness increase. Data are inconsistent on the rate of change during adulthood, and on the generalizability of self-report findings to informant ratings. We analysed cross-sectional data from self-reports and informant ratings on the Revised NEO Personality Inventory in Czech (N = 705) and Russian (N = 800) samples. Some curvilinear effects were found, chiefly in the Czech sample; informant data generally replicated self-reports, although the effects were weaker. Although many of the details are not yet clear, there appear to be pan-cultural trends in personality development that are consistent with the hypothesis of intrinsic maturation.
The End Of Sorrow
If you walk down the road, you will see the splendour of nature, the extraordinary beauty of the green fields and the open skies; and you will hear the laughter of children. But in spite of all that, there is a sense of sorrow. There is the anguish of a woman bearing a child; there is sorrow in death; there is sorrow when you are looking forward to something, and it does not happen; there is sorrow when a nation runs down, goes to seed; and there is the sorrow of corruption, not only in the collective, but also in the individual. There is sorrow in your own house, if you look deeply -the sorrow of not being able to fulfill, the sorrow of your own pettiness or incapacity, and various unconscious sorrows.There is also laughter in life. Laughter is a lovely thing, to laugh without reason, to have joy in one's heart without cause, to love without seeking anything in return. But such laughter rarely happens to us. We are burdened with sorrow; our life is a process of misery and strife, a continuous disintegration, and we almost never know what it is to love with our whole being.We want to find a solution, a means, a method by which to resolve this burden of life, and so we never actually look at sorrow. We try to escape through myths, through images, through speculation; we hope to find some way to avoid this weight, to stay ahead of the wave of sorrow.Sorrow has an ending, but it does not come about through any system or method. There is no sorrow when there is perception of what is. - J. Krishnamurti, The Book of Life
peer relationship
Kram, K. E., & Isabella, L. A. (1985). Mentoring Alternatives: The Role of Peer Relationships in Career Development. The Academy of Management Journal, 28(1), 110-132.
What do I think about who I am? Metacognition and the self-concept
Kenneth G. DeMarree and Kimberly Rios Morrison
Friday, July 22, 2011
The nature of the trap
Sorrow is the result of a shock, it is the temporary shaking up of a mind that has settled down, that has accepted the routine of life. Something happens -a death, the loss of a job, the questioning of a cherished belief- and the mind is disturbed. But what does a disturbed mind do? It finds a way to be undisturbed again; it takes refuge in another belief, in a more secure job, in a new relationship. Again the wave of life comes along and shatters its safeguards, but the mind soon finds still further defenses; and so it goes on. This is not the way of intelligence, is it?
No form of external or inward compulsion will help, will it? All compulsion, however subtle, is the outcome of ignorance; it is born of the desire for reward or the fear of punishment. To understand the whole nature of the trap is to be free of it; no person, no system, no belief can set you free. The truth of this is the only liberating factor,but you have to see it for yourself, and not merely be persuaded. You have to take the voyage on an uncharted sea. - J. Krishnamurti, The Book of Life
No form of external or inward compulsion will help, will it? All compulsion, however subtle, is the outcome of ignorance; it is born of the desire for reward or the fear of punishment. To understand the whole nature of the trap is to be free of it; no person, no system, no belief can set you free. The truth of this is the only liberating factor,but you have to see it for yourself, and not merely be persuaded. You have to take the voyage on an uncharted sea. - J. Krishnamurti, The Book of Life
chinese survey tools
https://qqq.cht.com.tw/webform/index.htm
http://survey.youthwant.com.tw/
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http://tcta01.blogspot.com/2009/09/google.html
http://survey.unisl.com.tw/
http://survey.unisl.com.tw/survey/servlet/OpenBlock?Template=OnLineSurvey5&Type=Internet&survey_id=412
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participants expressed significantly less interest in further interaction and greater rejection of a person exhibiting extreme scores on narcissism than one with moderate scores, extreme scores on self-absorption and entitlement, and low narcissism scores.
Psychol Reports. 1996 Dec;79(3 Pt 2):1267-72.
Interpersonal consequences of narcissism.
Carroll L, Hoenigmann-Stovall N, Whitehead GI 3rd.
Psychol Reports. 1996 Dec;79(3 Pt 2):1267-72.
Interpersonal consequences of narcissism.
Carroll L, Hoenigmann-Stovall N, Whitehead GI 3rd.
Freud and others (Kemberg, 1975; Kohut, 1971; Model, 1975) have described narcissism as including a defensive orientation (e.g., megalomania, idealization, denial, and projection) attributable to an unconscious dependency on external sources of love.
Conceivably, the defensive style of the narcissist may inhibit attention to internal aspects of body functioning, i.e., aspects related to health, and focus attention instead on external aspects of the body that are more important to obtaining approval from others, i.e., aspects related to attractiveness and fitness.
Conceivably, the defensive style of the narcissist may inhibit attention to internal aspects of body functioning, i.e., aspects related to health, and focus attention instead on external aspects of the body that are more important to obtaining approval from others, i.e., aspects related to attractiveness and fitness.
Thursday, July 21, 2011
Ageism and ageist language are also prevalent features in the workforce. Employability is often viewed as a primary measure of one’s ability to contribute meaningfully to society (Moody, 1988). Maintaining gainful employment is one way for older individuals to remain active and to protect their sense of self-identity and self-esteem (Moody, 1988). Unfortunately, ageist stereotypes complicate the interactions older individuals have in acquiring and maintaining employment (McMullin & Marshall, 2001). For example, age has been reported as a reason for poor applicant quality (Botwinck, 1984), job-displacement (McMullin & Marshall, 2001), and biases in hiring, job assignment, compensation, promotion, harassment, and termination (Cardinali & Gordon, 2002). Moreover, it is not uncommon for organizations to develop retraining programs aimed at particular age groups, inadvertently discriminating against persons in other age groups (LeBlanc & McMullin, 1997).
Older workers are generally subject to negative stereotypes specific to the workplace (Long, DeJoy, Javidi, & Javidi, 1997). These include views of older employees as unable or unwilling to alter behaviors to meet the needs of a changing organization, and that the basic job needs of older people are generally different from those of younger people (Shea, 1991). Such negative stereotypes are likely to dominate in situations in which little specific information is known about the older individual (Kite & Johnson, 1988), emphasizing the effect of ageism for “strangers” in the workplace.
Moody, H. R. (1988). The abundance of life: Human development policies for an aging society. New York: Columbia University Press.
Shaw, A. B. (1994). In defence of ageism. Journal of Medical Ethics, 20, 188–191.
Shea, G. (1991). Managing older employees. Oxford, UK: Jossey-Bass.
McMullin, J. A., & Marshall, V. W. (2001). Ageism, age relations, and garment industry work in Montreal. The Gerontologist, 41, 111–122.
Botwinck, J. (1984). Aging and behavior (3rd ed.). New York: Springer.
Cardinali, R., & Gordon, Z. (2002). Ageism: No longer the equal opportunity stepchild. Equal Opportunities International, 21, 58–68.
LeBlanc, L. S., & McMullin, J. A. (1997). Falling through the cracks, Addressing the needs of individuals between employment and retirement. Canadian Public Policy, 23, 289–304.
Long, L. W., DeJoy, D., Javidi, M. N., & Javidi, A. N. (1997). Cultural views and stereotypes of aging in American organizations. In H. S. Noor Al-Deen (Ed.), Cross-cultural communication and aging in the United States (pp. 125–142). Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum.
Kite, M., & Johnson, B. (1988). Attitudes toward older and younger adults: A meta-analysis. Psychology and Aging, 3, 233–244
Older workers are generally subject to negative stereotypes specific to the workplace (Long, DeJoy, Javidi, & Javidi, 1997). These include views of older employees as unable or unwilling to alter behaviors to meet the needs of a changing organization, and that the basic job needs of older people are generally different from those of younger people (Shea, 1991). Such negative stereotypes are likely to dominate in situations in which little specific information is known about the older individual (Kite & Johnson, 1988), emphasizing the effect of ageism for “strangers” in the workplace.
Moody, H. R. (1988). The abundance of life: Human development policies for an aging society. New York: Columbia University Press.
Shaw, A. B. (1994). In defence of ageism. Journal of Medical Ethics, 20, 188–191.
Shea, G. (1991). Managing older employees. Oxford, UK: Jossey-Bass.
McMullin, J. A., & Marshall, V. W. (2001). Ageism, age relations, and garment industry work in Montreal. The Gerontologist, 41, 111–122.
Botwinck, J. (1984). Aging and behavior (3rd ed.). New York: Springer.
Cardinali, R., & Gordon, Z. (2002). Ageism: No longer the equal opportunity stepchild. Equal Opportunities International, 21, 58–68.
LeBlanc, L. S., & McMullin, J. A. (1997). Falling through the cracks, Addressing the needs of individuals between employment and retirement. Canadian Public Policy, 23, 289–304.
Long, L. W., DeJoy, D., Javidi, M. N., & Javidi, A. N. (1997). Cultural views and stereotypes of aging in American organizations. In H. S. Noor Al-Deen (Ed.), Cross-cultural communication and aging in the United States (pp. 125–142). Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum.
Kite, M., & Johnson, B. (1988). Attitudes toward older and younger adults: A meta-analysis. Psychology and Aging, 3, 233–244
Nuessel, F. H. (1984). Ageist language. Maledicta, 8, 17–28.
Common negative stereotypes and attitudes associated with the older population
include the views that older people are inflexible, lonely, religious, unproduc
tive, sickly, depressing, senile, frail, and lacking in energy (e.g., Bowling, 1999; Cardinali & Gordon, 2002; Grant, 1996; Greene, Adelman, Charon, & Hoffman, 1986; Palmore, 2001; Schoenfield, 1982). Conveying such negative prejudices through language and other observable behaviors often results in discrimination
(Palmore, 1999).
Bowling, A. (1999). Ageism in cardiology. British Medical Journal, 319, 1353–1355.
Cardinali, R., & Gordon, Z. (2002). Ageism: No longer the equal opportunity stepchild. Equal Opportunities International, 21, 58–68.
Grant, L. D. (1996). Effects of ageism on individual and health care providers’ responses to healthy aging. Health & Social Work, 21, 9–17.
Greene, M. G., Adelman, R. Charon, R., & Hoffman, S. (1986). Ageism in the medical encounter: An exploratory study of the doctor-elderly patient relationship. Language and Communication, 6, 113–124.
Palmore, E. B. (1999). Ageism: Negative and Positive. New York: Singer Publishing Company.
Palmore (1999) noted eight positive stereotypes often held of the elderly: kindness, wisdom, dependability, affluence, political power, freedom, eternal youth,
and happiness. The complexity of these positive and negative stereotypes increases
with age (Hummert et al., 1995).
Hummert, M. L., Shaner, J. L., & Garstka, T. A. (1995). Cognitive processes affecting communication with older adults: The case for stereotypes, attitudes, and beliefs about communication. In J. Nussbaum & J. Coupland (Eds.), Handbook of communication and ageing research (pp. 105–131). Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.
Palmore, E. B. (2001). The ageism survey: First findings/response. The Gerontologist, 41, 572–575.
Schoenfield, D. (1982). Who is stereotyping whom and why? The Gerontologist, 22, 267–272.
Common negative stereotypes and attitudes associated with the older population
include the views that older people are inflexible, lonely, religious, unproduc
tive, sickly, depressing, senile, frail, and lacking in energy (e.g., Bowling, 1999; Cardinali & Gordon, 2002; Grant, 1996; Greene, Adelman, Charon, & Hoffman, 1986; Palmore, 2001; Schoenfield, 1982). Conveying such negative prejudices through language and other observable behaviors often results in discrimination
(Palmore, 1999).
Bowling, A. (1999). Ageism in cardiology. British Medical Journal, 319, 1353–1355.
Cardinali, R., & Gordon, Z. (2002). Ageism: No longer the equal opportunity stepchild. Equal Opportunities International, 21, 58–68.
Grant, L. D. (1996). Effects of ageism on individual and health care providers’ responses to healthy aging. Health & Social Work, 21, 9–17.
Greene, M. G., Adelman, R. Charon, R., & Hoffman, S. (1986). Ageism in the medical encounter: An exploratory study of the doctor-elderly patient relationship. Language and Communication, 6, 113–124.
Palmore, E. B. (1999). Ageism: Negative and Positive. New York: Singer Publishing Company.
Palmore (1999) noted eight positive stereotypes often held of the elderly: kindness, wisdom, dependability, affluence, political power, freedom, eternal youth,
and happiness. The complexity of these positive and negative stereotypes increases
with age (Hummert et al., 1995).
Hummert, M. L., Shaner, J. L., & Garstka, T. A. (1995). Cognitive processes affecting communication with older adults: The case for stereotypes, attitudes, and beliefs about communication. In J. Nussbaum & J. Coupland (Eds.), Handbook of communication and ageing research (pp. 105–131). Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.
Palmore, E. B. (2001). The ageism survey: First findings/response. The Gerontologist, 41, 572–575.
Schoenfield, D. (1982). Who is stereotyping whom and why? The Gerontologist, 22, 267–272.
Where there is the possibility of pain there is no love
The questioner wants to know how he can act freely and without self-repression when he knows his action must hurt those he loves. You know, to love is to be free; both parties are free. Where there is the possibility of pain, where there is the possibility of suffering in love, it is not love, it is merely a subtle form of possession, of acquisitiveness.
If you love, really love someone, there is no possibility of giving him pain when you do something that you think is right.
It is only when you want that person to do what you desire or he wants you to do what he desires, that there is pain. That is, you like to be possessed; you feel safe, secure, comfortable; though you know that comfort is but transient, you take shelter in that comfort, in that transience.
So each struggle for comfort, for encouragement, really but betrays the lack of inward richness; and therefore an action separate, apart from the other individual naturally creates disturbance, pain and suffering; and one individual has to suppress what he really feels in order to adjust himself to the other. In other words, this constant repression, brought about by so-called love, destroys the two individuals. In that love there is no freedom; it is merely a subtle bondage. - J. Krishnamurti, The Book of Life
If you love, really love someone, there is no possibility of giving him pain when you do something that you think is right.
It is only when you want that person to do what you desire or he wants you to do what he desires, that there is pain. That is, you like to be possessed; you feel safe, secure, comfortable; though you know that comfort is but transient, you take shelter in that comfort, in that transience.
So each struggle for comfort, for encouragement, really but betrays the lack of inward richness; and therefore an action separate, apart from the other individual naturally creates disturbance, pain and suffering; and one individual has to suppress what he really feels in order to adjust himself to the other. In other words, this constant repression, brought about by so-called love, destroys the two individuals. In that love there is no freedom; it is merely a subtle bondage. - J. Krishnamurti, The Book of Life
Wednesday, July 20, 2011
Asia Academy of Management http://www.baf.cuhk.edu.hk/asia-aom/main.html
Taiwan AOM http://www.taom.org.tw/html/1.html
International Association for Chinese Management Research http://www.iacmr.org/
Taiwan AOM http://www.taom.org.tw/html/1.html
International Association for Chinese Management Research http://www.iacmr.org/
Forgiveness is not true compassion
What is it to be compassionate? Please find out for yourself, feel it out, whether a mind that is hurt, that can be hurt, can ever forgive. Can a mind that is capable of being hurt, ever forgive? And can such a mind which is capable of being hurt, which is cultivating virtue, which is conscious of generosity, can such a mind be compassionate? Compassion, as love, is something which is not of the mind. The mind is not conscious of itself as being compassionate, as loving.
But the moment you forgive consciously, the mind is strengthening its own center in its own hurt. So the mind which consciously forgives can never forgive; it does not know forgiveness; it forgives in order not to be further hurt.
So it is very important to find out why the mind actually remembers, stores away. Because the mind is everlastingly seeking to aggrandize itself, to become big, to be something. When the mind is willing not to be anything, to be nothing, completely nothing, then in that state there is compassion. In that state there is neither forgiveness nor the state of hurt; but to understand that, one has to understand the conscious development of the 'me'.So, as long as there is the conscious cultivation of any particular influence, any particular virtue, there can be no love, there can be no compassion, because love and compassion are not the result of conscious effort. - J. Krishnamurti, The Book of Life
But the moment you forgive consciously, the mind is strengthening its own center in its own hurt. So the mind which consciously forgives can never forgive; it does not know forgiveness; it forgives in order not to be further hurt.
So it is very important to find out why the mind actually remembers, stores away. Because the mind is everlastingly seeking to aggrandize itself, to become big, to be something. When the mind is willing not to be anything, to be nothing, completely nothing, then in that state there is compassion. In that state there is neither forgiveness nor the state of hurt; but to understand that, one has to understand the conscious development of the 'me'.So, as long as there is the conscious cultivation of any particular influence, any particular virtue, there can be no love, there can be no compassion, because love and compassion are not the result of conscious effort. - J. Krishnamurti, The Book of Life
Researchers create the world's most advanced genetic map
http://www.eurekalert.org/pub_releases/2011-07/hms-rct071811.php
New biological atlas focuses on African American genomics
Boston, MA (July 20, 2011)—A consortium led by scientists at the University of Oxford and Harvard Medical School has constructed the world's most detailed genetic map.
A genetic map specifies the precise areas in the genetic material of a sperm or egg where the DNA from the mother and father has been reshuffled in order to produce this single reproductive cell. The biological process whereby this reshuffling occurs is known as "recombination." While almost every genetic map built so far has been developed from people of European ancestry, this new map is the first constructed from African American recombination genomic data.
"This is the world's most accurate genetic map," said David Reich, professor of genetics at Harvard Medical School, who co-led the study with Simon Myers, a lecturer in the Department of Statistics at the University of Oxford.
The researchers were surprised to find that positions where recombination occurs in African Americans are significantly different from non-African populations.
"The landscape of recombination has shifted in African Americans compared with Europeans," said Anjali Hinch, first author and a post-graduate student at Oxford University's Wellcome Trust Centre for Human Genetics.
Simon Myers added, "More than half of African Americans carry a version of the biological machinery for recombination that is different than Europeans. As a result, African Americans experience recombination where it almost never occurs in Europeans."
The findings will be published in the July 21 edition of Nature.
An independent study that used a similar strategy to build a genetic map in African Americans—led by University of California, Los Angeles, scientists Daniel Wegmann, Nelson Freimer and John Novembre—will be published in Nature Genetics.
Scientists have only recently begun to explore the genetic differences between individuals and populations — and the role those differences play in human health. In that respect, the first draft of the human genome, completed a decade ago, was only a starting point for understanding the genetic origins of disease.
As researchers begin to parse those differences, a crucial tool is a genetic map, which in this case was based on where recombination has occurred across the genome. Recombination, together with mutation, accounts for all the genetic (and thus physical) variety we see within species. But while mutation refers to the errors introduced into single locations within genomes when cells divide, recombination refers to the process by which huge chunks of chromosomes are stitched together during sexual reproduction.
But this stitching process only occurs at specific locations. In a prior landmark set of papers, Myers and his colleagues identified a DNA code, or motif, that attracted part of the recombination machinery, a gene called PRDM9. Knowing the motif, a string of 13 DNA letters, researchers could zero in on the locations where recombination typically occurred—the "recombination hotspots."
"When recombination goes wrong, it can lead to mutations causing congenital diseases, for example diseases like Charcot-Marie-Tooth disease, or certain anemias," said Myers. "We found the same 13 base motif marking many of these disease mutation sites."
Explained Reich, "The places in the genome where there are recombination hotspots can thus also be disease hotspots. Charting recombination hotspots can thus identify places in the genome that have an especially high chance of causing disease."
The researchers discovered that the 13 base-pair motif that is responsible for many of the hotspots in Europeans accounts for only two thirds as much recombination in African Americans. They connected the remaining third to a new motif of 17 base pairs, which is recognized by a version of the recombinational machinery that occurs almost exclusively in people of African ancestry.
These findings are expected to help researchers understand the roots of congenital conditions that occur more often in African Americans (due to mutations at hotspots that are more common in African Americans), and also to help discover new disease genes in all populations, because of the ability to map these genes more precisely.
The new map is so accurate because African American individuals often have a mixture of African and European ancestry from over the last two hundred years. David Reich and Simon Myers are experts in analyzing genetic data to reconstruct the mosaic of regions of African and European genetic ancestry in DNA of African Americans. By applying a computer program they previously wrote, Anjali Hinch identified the places in the genomes where the African and European ancestry switches in almost 30,000 people, detecting about 70 switches per person. These areas corresponded to recombination events in the last few hundred years. Thus, the researchers identified more than two million recombination events that they used to build the map.
The study was only possible because of collaboration from 81 co-authors, using DNA samples from five large studies that have been carried out to study common diseases such as heart disease and cancer, funded by the National Institutes of Health, the Department of Defense, and many private foundations.
Said James Wilson, a professor at the University of Mississippi Medical Center who was responsible for coordinating the collaboration, "All the co-authors worked together in an incredibly collegial way to put together the enormous set of samples and high quality genetic data that made this study a success."
The recombination map is available at http://www.well.ox.ac.uk/~anjali/AAmap/
New biological atlas focuses on African American genomics
Boston, MA (July 20, 2011)—A consortium led by scientists at the University of Oxford and Harvard Medical School has constructed the world's most detailed genetic map.
A genetic map specifies the precise areas in the genetic material of a sperm or egg where the DNA from the mother and father has been reshuffled in order to produce this single reproductive cell. The biological process whereby this reshuffling occurs is known as "recombination." While almost every genetic map built so far has been developed from people of European ancestry, this new map is the first constructed from African American recombination genomic data.
"This is the world's most accurate genetic map," said David Reich, professor of genetics at Harvard Medical School, who co-led the study with Simon Myers, a lecturer in the Department of Statistics at the University of Oxford.
The researchers were surprised to find that positions where recombination occurs in African Americans are significantly different from non-African populations.
"The landscape of recombination has shifted in African Americans compared with Europeans," said Anjali Hinch, first author and a post-graduate student at Oxford University's Wellcome Trust Centre for Human Genetics.
Simon Myers added, "More than half of African Americans carry a version of the biological machinery for recombination that is different than Europeans. As a result, African Americans experience recombination where it almost never occurs in Europeans."
The findings will be published in the July 21 edition of Nature.
An independent study that used a similar strategy to build a genetic map in African Americans—led by University of California, Los Angeles, scientists Daniel Wegmann, Nelson Freimer and John Novembre—will be published in Nature Genetics.
Scientists have only recently begun to explore the genetic differences between individuals and populations — and the role those differences play in human health. In that respect, the first draft of the human genome, completed a decade ago, was only a starting point for understanding the genetic origins of disease.
As researchers begin to parse those differences, a crucial tool is a genetic map, which in this case was based on where recombination has occurred across the genome. Recombination, together with mutation, accounts for all the genetic (and thus physical) variety we see within species. But while mutation refers to the errors introduced into single locations within genomes when cells divide, recombination refers to the process by which huge chunks of chromosomes are stitched together during sexual reproduction.
But this stitching process only occurs at specific locations. In a prior landmark set of papers, Myers and his colleagues identified a DNA code, or motif, that attracted part of the recombination machinery, a gene called PRDM9. Knowing the motif, a string of 13 DNA letters, researchers could zero in on the locations where recombination typically occurred—the "recombination hotspots."
"When recombination goes wrong, it can lead to mutations causing congenital diseases, for example diseases like Charcot-Marie-Tooth disease, or certain anemias," said Myers. "We found the same 13 base motif marking many of these disease mutation sites."
Explained Reich, "The places in the genome where there are recombination hotspots can thus also be disease hotspots. Charting recombination hotspots can thus identify places in the genome that have an especially high chance of causing disease."
The researchers discovered that the 13 base-pair motif that is responsible for many of the hotspots in Europeans accounts for only two thirds as much recombination in African Americans. They connected the remaining third to a new motif of 17 base pairs, which is recognized by a version of the recombinational machinery that occurs almost exclusively in people of African ancestry.
These findings are expected to help researchers understand the roots of congenital conditions that occur more often in African Americans (due to mutations at hotspots that are more common in African Americans), and also to help discover new disease genes in all populations, because of the ability to map these genes more precisely.
The new map is so accurate because African American individuals often have a mixture of African and European ancestry from over the last two hundred years. David Reich and Simon Myers are experts in analyzing genetic data to reconstruct the mosaic of regions of African and European genetic ancestry in DNA of African Americans. By applying a computer program they previously wrote, Anjali Hinch identified the places in the genomes where the African and European ancestry switches in almost 30,000 people, detecting about 70 switches per person. These areas corresponded to recombination events in the last few hundred years. Thus, the researchers identified more than two million recombination events that they used to build the map.
The study was only possible because of collaboration from 81 co-authors, using DNA samples from five large studies that have been carried out to study common diseases such as heart disease and cancer, funded by the National Institutes of Health, the Department of Defense, and many private foundations.
Said James Wilson, a professor at the University of Mississippi Medical Center who was responsible for coordinating the collaboration, "All the co-authors worked together in an incredibly collegial way to put together the enormous set of samples and high quality genetic data that made this study a success."
The recombination map is available at http://www.well.ox.ac.uk/~anjali/AAmap/
collectivism, individualism, self
There is also a tremendous amount of literature suggesting that self-conceptualiza
tion varies across international boundaries. Much of this research focuses on dif
ferences stemming from collectivistic versus individualistic cultures. In a recent meta-analytic review, Oyserman et al. (2002) reported consistent differences in collectivistic and individualistic orientations when comparing Americans with Europeans, Asians, Africans, and Middle-Easterners. Other researchers have reported the cross-cultural effects of these social orientations on behaviors and perceptions. For example, Kitayama, Markus, and Matsumoto (1997) examined how collectivistic and individu-
alistic culture shapes situational perceptions. American participants were more likely to identify situations where self-esteem enhancement was likely whereas Japanese participants were more likely to identify situations where self-criticism was the likely
outcome. Other research suggests that people from individualistic cultures, in comparison to people from collectivistic cultures, agree more strongly with self-relevant positive emotions (Lee, Jones, & Mineyama, 2002), are less modest (Kurman & Sriram,
2002), are more likely to project their own feelings onto others and recall personal
situations from their own perspective as opposed to the perspective of others (Cohen
& Gunz, 2002), are more likely to engage in agentic self-enhancement (Kurman, 2001),
and tend to report well-being as more closely associated with emotions that areinterpersonally distancing (e.g., pride) (Kitayama, Markus, & Kurokawa, 2000).
These findings all point to a clear delineation between collectivistic and individu-
alistic cultures in terms of self-concept and perception. As the research suggests, in-
dividualism encourages greater focus on the self whereas collectivism promotes
greater focus on the group. Thus, individualistic promotion of self-focus over
other-focus should be reflected in greater narcissism being expressed in people from
more individualistic cultures. This leads us to our third prediction: regional world
differences in narcissism will reflect differences in individualism across world regions.
Therefore, we expect to find that people from countries with increased individualism
will also report being more narcissistic.
Markus, H. R., & Kitayama, S. (1991). Culture and the self: Implications for cognition, emotion, and motivation. Psychological Review, 98, 224–253.
Oyserman, D., Coon, H. M., & Kemmelmeier, M. (2002). Rethinking individualism and collectivism: Evaluation of theoretical assumptions and meta-analyses. Psychological Bulletin, 128, 3–72.
Kitayama, S., Markus, H. R., & Kurokawa, M. (2000). Culture, emotion, and well-being: Good feelings in Japan and the United States. Cognition and Emotion, 14, 93–124.
Kitayama, S., Markus, H. R., & Matsumoto, H. (1997). Individual and collective processes in the construction of the self: Self-enhancement in the United States and self-criticism in Japan. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 72, 1245–1267.
Kurman, J. (2001). Self-enhancement: Is it restricted to individualistic cultures? Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 27, 1705–1716.
Kurman, J., & Sriram, N. (2002). Interrelationships among vertical and horizontal collectivism, modesty, and self-enhancement. Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology, 33, 71–86.
Lee, J. W., Jones, P. S., & Mineyama, Y. (2002). Cultural differences in response to a Likert scale. Research in Nursing and Health, 25, 295–306.
Cohen, D., & Gunz, A. (2002). As seen by the other... Perspectives on the self in the memories and emotional perceptions of Easterners and Westerners. Psychological Science, 13, 55–59.
tion varies across international boundaries. Much of this research focuses on dif
ferences stemming from collectivistic versus individualistic cultures. In a recent meta-analytic review, Oyserman et al. (2002) reported consistent differences in collectivistic and individualistic orientations when comparing Americans with Europeans, Asians, Africans, and Middle-Easterners. Other researchers have reported the cross-cultural effects of these social orientations on behaviors and perceptions. For example, Kitayama, Markus, and Matsumoto (1997) examined how collectivistic and individu-
alistic culture shapes situational perceptions. American participants were more likely to identify situations where self-esteem enhancement was likely whereas Japanese participants were more likely to identify situations where self-criticism was the likely
outcome. Other research suggests that people from individualistic cultures, in comparison to people from collectivistic cultures, agree more strongly with self-relevant positive emotions (Lee, Jones, & Mineyama, 2002), are less modest (Kurman & Sriram,
2002), are more likely to project their own feelings onto others and recall personal
situations from their own perspective as opposed to the perspective of others (Cohen
& Gunz, 2002), are more likely to engage in agentic self-enhancement (Kurman, 2001),
and tend to report well-being as more closely associated with emotions that areinterpersonally distancing (e.g., pride) (Kitayama, Markus, & Kurokawa, 2000).
These findings all point to a clear delineation between collectivistic and individu-
alistic cultures in terms of self-concept and perception. As the research suggests, in-
dividualism encourages greater focus on the self whereas collectivism promotes
greater focus on the group. Thus, individualistic promotion of self-focus over
other-focus should be reflected in greater narcissism being expressed in people from
more individualistic cultures. This leads us to our third prediction: regional world
differences in narcissism will reflect differences in individualism across world regions.
Therefore, we expect to find that people from countries with increased individualism
will also report being more narcissistic.
Markus, H. R., & Kitayama, S. (1991). Culture and the self: Implications for cognition, emotion, and motivation. Psychological Review, 98, 224–253.
Oyserman, D., Coon, H. M., & Kemmelmeier, M. (2002). Rethinking individualism and collectivism: Evaluation of theoretical assumptions and meta-analyses. Psychological Bulletin, 128, 3–72.
Kitayama, S., Markus, H. R., & Kurokawa, M. (2000). Culture, emotion, and well-being: Good feelings in Japan and the United States. Cognition and Emotion, 14, 93–124.
Kitayama, S., Markus, H. R., & Matsumoto, H. (1997). Individual and collective processes in the construction of the self: Self-enhancement in the United States and self-criticism in Japan. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 72, 1245–1267.
Kurman, J. (2001). Self-enhancement: Is it restricted to individualistic cultures? Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 27, 1705–1716.
Kurman, J., & Sriram, N. (2002). Interrelationships among vertical and horizontal collectivism, modesty, and self-enhancement. Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology, 33, 71–86.
Lee, J. W., Jones, P. S., & Mineyama, Y. (2002). Cultural differences in response to a Likert scale. Research in Nursing and Health, 25, 295–306.
Cohen, D., & Gunz, A. (2002). As seen by the other... Perspectives on the self in the memories and emotional perceptions of Easterners and Westerners. Psychological Science, 13, 55–59.
women and narcissism
men usually report more narcissism than women (e.g., Bushman & Baumeister, 1999; Farwell & Wohlwend-Lloyd, 1998; Joubert, 1998; Ladd, Welsh, Vitulli, Labbe, & Law, 1997).
Bushman, B. J., & Baumeister, R. F. (1999). Threatened egotism, narcissism, self-esteem, and direct and displaced aggression: Does self-love or self-hate lead to violence? Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 76, 367–376.
Farwell, L., & Wohlwend-Lloyd, R. (1998). Narcissistic processes: Optimistic expectations, favorable self-evaluations, and self-enhancing attribution. Journal of Personality, 66, 65–83.
Ladd, E. R., Welsh, M. C., Vitulli, W. F., Labbe, E. E., & Law, J. L. (1997). Narcissism and causal attribution. Psychological Reports, 80, 721–722.
Joubert, C. E. (1998). Narcissism, need for power and social interest. Psychological Reports, 82, 701–702.
men are more narcissistic than women (e.g., Bushman & Baumeister, 1999; Farwell & Wohlwend-Lloyd, 1998; Joubert, 1998; Ladd et al., 1997).
Foster, J. D., Keith Campbell, W., & Twenge, J. M. (2003). Individual differences in narcissism: Inflated self-views across the lifespan and around the world. Journal of Research in Personality, 37(6), 469-486
Bushman, B. J., & Baumeister, R. F. (1999). Threatened egotism, narcissism, self-esteem, and direct and displaced aggression: Does self-love or self-hate lead to violence? Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 76, 367–376.
Farwell, L., & Wohlwend-Lloyd, R. (1998). Narcissistic processes: Optimistic expectations, favorable self-evaluations, and self-enhancing attribution. Journal of Personality, 66, 65–83.
Ladd, E. R., Welsh, M. C., Vitulli, W. F., Labbe, E. E., & Law, J. L. (1997). Narcissism and causal attribution. Psychological Reports, 80, 721–722.
Joubert, C. E. (1998). Narcissism, need for power and social interest. Psychological Reports, 82, 701–702.
men are more narcissistic than women (e.g., Bushman & Baumeister, 1999; Farwell & Wohlwend-Lloyd, 1998; Joubert, 1998; Ladd et al., 1997).
Foster, J. D., Keith Campbell, W., & Twenge, J. M. (2003). Individual differences in narcissism: Inflated self-views across the lifespan and around the world. Journal of Research in Personality, 37(6), 469-486
culture and self
culture strongly influences our personalities and views of self (e.g., Heine & Lehman, 1997; Markus & Kitayama, 1991).
Heine, S. J., & Lehman, D. R. (1997). The cultural construction of self-enhancement: An examination of group-serving biases. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 72, 1268–1283.
Markus, H. R., & Kitayama, S. (1991). Culture and the self: Implications for cognition, emotion, and motivation. Psychological Review, 98, 224–253.
Even within a single country, culture may influence people to define themselves quite differently (Plaut, Markus, & Lachman, 2002).
Paulhus, D. L. (1998). Interpersonal and intrapsychic adaptiveness of trait self-enhancement: A mixed blessing? Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 74, 1197–1208.
Plaut, V. C., Markus, H. R., & Lachman, M. E. (2002). Place matters: Consensual features and regional variations in America well-being and self. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 83, 160–184.
Robins, R. W., Trzniewski, K. H., Tracy, J. L., Gosling, P. D., & Potter, J. (2002). Global self-esteem across the lifespan. Psychology and Aging, 17, 423–434.
Foster, J. D., Keith Campbell, W., & Twenge, J. M. (2003). Individual differences in narcissism: Inflated self-views across the lifespan and around the world. Journal of Research in Personality, 37(6), 469-486.
Twenge, J. M., & Crocker, J. (2002). Race and self-esteem: Meta-analyses comparing Whites, Blacks, Hispanics, Asians, and American Indians and Comment on Gray-Little and Hafdahl (2000). Psychological Bulletin, 128, 371–408.
Fukunishi et al. (1996) found that the Chinese are more narcissistic than Americans, but the Japanese are less narcissistic than Americans. Thus even within Asia there appears to be some variance as to how narcissistic people are. Plaut et al. (2002) found regional differences in self-description within the United States. For example, people from the West South Central region (e.g., Texas, Oklahoma) report being more outspoken and self-confident, compared to other regions of the country. People from the New England area report being particularly concerned with being softhearted and caring. One might infer from such results, then that if different regions of the United States produce self-concepts laden with either self or other-focused ideologies one might expect a construct such as narcissism to also vary from region to region.
Fukunishi, I., Nakagawa, T., Nakamura, H., Li, K., Hua, Z. Q., & Kratz, T. S. (1996). Relationships between Type A behavior, narcissism, and maternal closeness for college students in Japan, the United States of America, and the People s Republic of China. Psychological Reports, 78, 939–944.
Plaut, V. C., Markus, H. R., & Lachman, M. E. (2002). Place matters: Consensual features and regional variations in America well-being and self. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 83, 160–184.
Foster, J. D., Keith Campbell, W., & Twenge, J. M. (2003). Individual differences in narcissism: Inflated self-views across the lifespan and around the world. Journal of Research in Personality, 37(6), 469-486.
Brehm, J., & Rahn, W. (1997). Individual-level evidence for the causes and consequences of social capital. [Article]. American Journal of Political Science, 41(3), 999.
Heine, S. J., & Lehman, D. R. (1997). The cultural construction of self-enhancement: An examination of group-serving biases. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 72, 1268–1283.
Markus, H. R., & Kitayama, S. (1991). Culture and the self: Implications for cognition, emotion, and motivation. Psychological Review, 98, 224–253.
Even within a single country, culture may influence people to define themselves quite differently (Plaut, Markus, & Lachman, 2002).
Paulhus, D. L. (1998). Interpersonal and intrapsychic adaptiveness of trait self-enhancement: A mixed blessing? Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 74, 1197–1208.
Plaut, V. C., Markus, H. R., & Lachman, M. E. (2002). Place matters: Consensual features and regional variations in America well-being and self. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 83, 160–184.
Robins, R. W., Trzniewski, K. H., Tracy, J. L., Gosling, P. D., & Potter, J. (2002). Global self-esteem across the lifespan. Psychology and Aging, 17, 423–434.
Foster, J. D., Keith Campbell, W., & Twenge, J. M. (2003). Individual differences in narcissism: Inflated self-views across the lifespan and around the world. Journal of Research in Personality, 37(6), 469-486.
Twenge, J. M., & Crocker, J. (2002). Race and self-esteem: Meta-analyses comparing Whites, Blacks, Hispanics, Asians, and American Indians and Comment on Gray-Little and Hafdahl (2000). Psychological Bulletin, 128, 371–408.
Fukunishi et al. (1996) found that the Chinese are more narcissistic than Americans, but the Japanese are less narcissistic than Americans. Thus even within Asia there appears to be some variance as to how narcissistic people are. Plaut et al. (2002) found regional differences in self-description within the United States. For example, people from the West South Central region (e.g., Texas, Oklahoma) report being more outspoken and self-confident, compared to other regions of the country. People from the New England area report being particularly concerned with being softhearted and caring. One might infer from such results, then that if different regions of the United States produce self-concepts laden with either self or other-focused ideologies one might expect a construct such as narcissism to also vary from region to region.
Fukunishi, I., Nakagawa, T., Nakamura, H., Li, K., Hua, Z. Q., & Kratz, T. S. (1996). Relationships between Type A behavior, narcissism, and maternal closeness for college students in Japan, the United States of America, and the People s Republic of China. Psychological Reports, 78, 939–944.
Plaut, V. C., Markus, H. R., & Lachman, M. E. (2002). Place matters: Consensual features and regional variations in America well-being and self. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 83, 160–184.
Foster, J. D., Keith Campbell, W., & Twenge, J. M. (2003). Individual differences in narcissism: Inflated self-views across the lifespan and around the world. Journal of Research in Personality, 37(6), 469-486.
Brehm, J., & Rahn, W. (1997). Individual-level evidence for the causes and consequences of social capital. [Article]. American Journal of Political Science, 41(3), 999.
Twenge, J. M. (1997). Changes in masculine and feminine traits over time: A
meta-analysis. Sex Roles, 36, 305–325.
Foster, J. D., Campbell, W. K., & Twenge, J. M. (2003). Individual differences in
narcissism: Inflated self-views across the lifespan and around the world. Journal of Research in Personality, 37, 469–486.
meta-analysis. Sex Roles, 36, 305–325.
Foster, J. D., Campbell, W. K., & Twenge, J. M. (2003). Individual differences in
narcissism: Inflated self-views across the lifespan and around the world. Journal of Research in Personality, 37, 469–486.
Buss, A. R. (1974). Generational analysis: Description, explanation, and theory. Journal of Social Issues, 30(2), 55-71.
Haney, P., &Durlak, J. A. (1998). Changing self-esteem in children and adolescents: A meta-analytic eview. Journal of Clinical Child Psychology, 27, 423-433.
Wells, B. E., & Twenge, J. M. (2005). Changes in young people’s sexual behavior
and attitudes, 1943–1999: A cross-temporal meta-analysis. Review of General
Psychology, 9, 249–261.
Haney, P., &Durlak, J. A. (1998). Changing self-esteem in children and adolescents: A meta-analytic eview. Journal of Clinical Child Psychology, 27, 423-433.
Wells, B. E., & Twenge, J. M. (2005). Changes in young people’s sexual behavior
and attitudes, 1943–1999: A cross-temporal meta-analysis. Review of General
Psychology, 9, 249–261.
Not only did the general societal ethos promote the self, but a "self-esteem movement" (an offshoot of the "human potential" and "self-growth" movements) gained prevalence, arguing that "the basis for everything we do is self-esteem" (MacDonald, 1986, p. 27, as quoted in Seligman, 1995). Like the more general promotion of the self in the larger society, the self-esteem movement initially focused on adults, encouraging them to feel good about themselves. Some authors have argued that this trend was particularly prevalent in the "Baby Boom" generation (born roughly between 1943 and 1960, by Strauss & Howe's definition; most demographers place the later bound around 1965) and somewhat less prevalent in "Generation X," born roughly between 1961 and 1981 (Strauss & Howe, 1991).---- Twenge, J. M., & Campbell, W. K. (2001). Age and Birth Cohort Differences in Self-Esteem: A Cross-Temporal Meta-Analysis. Personality and Social Psychology Review, 5(4), 321-344. d
Haney, P., &Durlak, J. A. (1998). Changing self-esteem in children and adolescents: A meta-analytic review. Journal of Clinical Child Psychology, 27, 423-433.
Baumeister, R. F. (1991). Meanings oflife. New York: Guilford.
Markus, H. R., &Kitayama, S. (1991). Culture and the self: Implications for cognition, emotion, and motivation. Psychological Review, 98, 224-253.
Ehrenreich, B., &English, E. (1978). For her own good: 150 years of the experts' advice to women. New York: Doubleday.
Frum, D. (2000). How we got here: The 70s, the decade that brought you modern life (for better or worse). New York: Basic Books.
Fukuyama, F. (1999). The great disruption: Human nature and the reconstitution ofsocial order. New York: Free Press.
Jones, L. Y. (1980). Greatexpectations: America and the Baby Boom
generation. New York: Coward, McCann, &Geoghegan.
Rosen, B. C. (1998). Winners and losers ofthe information revolution: Psychosocial change and its discontents. Westport, CT: Praeger.
Swann, W.B. (1996). Self-traps: The elusive quest for higher self-esteem. New York: Freeman.
Baumeister, R. F. (1991). Meanings oflife. New York: Guilford.
Markus, H. R., &Kitayama, S. (1991). Culture and the self: Implications for cognition, emotion, and motivation. Psychological Review, 98, 224-253.
Ehrenreich, B., &English, E. (1978). For her own good: 150 years of the experts' advice to women. New York: Doubleday.
Frum, D. (2000). How we got here: The 70s, the decade that brought you modern life (for better or worse). New York: Basic Books.
Fukuyama, F. (1999). The great disruption: Human nature and the reconstitution ofsocial order. New York: Free Press.
Jones, L. Y. (1980). Greatexpectations: America and the Baby Boom
generation. New York: Coward, McCann, &Geoghegan.
Rosen, B. C. (1998). Winners and losers ofthe information revolution: Psychosocial change and its discontents. Westport, CT: Praeger.
Swann, W.B. (1996). Self-traps: The elusive quest for higher self-esteem. New York: Freeman.
Tuesday, July 19, 2011
Unfortunately, the use of longitudinal designs, although eliminating cohort as a confound, limits the generalizability outside of the cohort studied because age-graded development may differ between cohorts (Baltes, Cornelius, &Nesselroade, 1979; Nesselroade & Baltes, 1974; Schaie, 1965). For example, growing up in the 1960s may have produced different developmental changes than growing up in the 1980s. Even birth cohort differences of 3 to 4 years may affect results (Mullis, Mullis, & Normandin, 1992; Nesselroade &Baltes, 1974).
identifying cohort effects is empirically challenging (e.g., Costa & McCrae, 1982; Schaie, 1965)
Costa, P.T., Jr., & McCrae, R.R. (1982). An approach to the attribution of aging, period, and cohort effects. Psychological Bulletin, 92, 238–250.
Schaie, K.W. (1965). A general model for the study of developmental problems. Psychological Bulletin, 64, 92–107.
Age effects, when examined cross-sectionally, are inherently confounded with birth cohort effects (Buss, 1974; McCarthy & Hoge, 1982; Nesselroade & Baltes, 1974; Schaie, 1965).
Buss, A. R. (1974). Generational analysis: Description, explanation, and theory. Journal of Social Issues, 30(2), 55-71.
McCarthy, J. D., &Hoge, D. R. (1982). Analysis ofageeffects in longitudinal studies ofadolescent self-esteem. Developmental Psychology, 18, 372-379.
Nesselroade, J. R., &Baltes, P. B. (1974). Adolescentpersonality development and historical change, 1970-1972. Monographs of the Society for Research in Child Development, 39(1, Serial No. 154).
Costa, P.T., Jr., & McCrae, R.R. (1982). An approach to the attribution of aging, period, and cohort effects. Psychological Bulletin, 92, 238–250.
Schaie, K.W. (1965). A general model for the study of developmental problems. Psychological Bulletin, 64, 92–107.
Age effects, when examined cross-sectionally, are inherently confounded with birth cohort effects (Buss, 1974; McCarthy & Hoge, 1982; Nesselroade & Baltes, 1974; Schaie, 1965).
Buss, A. R. (1974). Generational analysis: Description, explanation, and theory. Journal of Social Issues, 30(2), 55-71.
McCarthy, J. D., &Hoge, D. R. (1982). Analysis ofageeffects in longitudinal studies ofadolescent self-esteem. Developmental Psychology, 18, 372-379.
Nesselroade, J. R., &Baltes, P. B. (1974). Adolescentpersonality development and historical change, 1970-1972. Monographs of the Society for Research in Child Development, 39(1, Serial No. 154).
A number of social commentators have noted a shift in American culture from communitarian values
and strong social ties toward an emphasis on individualism and the pursuit of one’s own needs (e.g., Bellah, Madsen, Sullivan, Swidler, & Tipton, 1985; Lasch, 1979; Putnam, 2000)
Bellah, R.N., Madsen, R., Sullivan, W.M., Swidler, A., & Tipton, S.M. (1985). Habits of the heart: Individualism and commitment in American life. Berkeley: University of California Press
Lasch, C. (1979). The culture of narcissism: American life in an age of diminishing expectations. New York: Norton.
Putnam, R.D. (2000). Bowling alone: The collapse and revival of American community. New York: Simon & Schuster.
and strong social ties toward an emphasis on individualism and the pursuit of one’s own needs (e.g., Bellah, Madsen, Sullivan, Swidler, & Tipton, 1985; Lasch, 1979; Putnam, 2000)
Bellah, R.N., Madsen, R., Sullivan, W.M., Swidler, A., & Tipton, S.M. (1985). Habits of the heart: Individualism and commitment in American life. Berkeley: University of California Press
Lasch, C. (1979). The culture of narcissism: American life in an age of diminishing expectations. New York: Norton.
Putnam, R.D. (2000). Bowling alone: The collapse and revival of American community. New York: Simon & Schuster.
American culture is stereotyped as being overly focused on seeking high self-esteem at all costs (e.g., Crocker & Park, 2004; Heine, Lehman, Markus, & Kitayama, 1999).
Crocker, J., & Park, L.E. (2004). The costly pursuit of self-esteem. Psychological Bulletin, 130, 392–414.
Heine, S.J., Lehman, D.R., Markus, H.R., & Kitayama, S. (1999). Is there a universal need for positive self-regard? Psychological Review, 106, 766–794.
Crocker, J., & Park, L.E. (2004). The costly pursuit of self-esteem. Psychological Bulletin, 130, 392–414.
Heine, S.J., Lehman, D.R., Markus, H.R., & Kitayama, S. (1999). Is there a universal need for positive self-regard? Psychological Review, 106, 766–794.
Perverted Pleasure
There is such a thing as sadism. Do you know what that word means? An author called the Marquis de Sade once wrote a book about a man who enjoyed hurting people and seeing them suffer. From that comes the word sadism, which means deriving pleasure from the suffering of others. For certain people there is a peculiar satisfaction in seeing others suffer. Watch yourself and see if you have this feeling. It may not be obvious, but if it is there you will find that it expresses itself in the impulse to laugh when somebody falls.
You want those who are high to be pulled down; you criticize, gossip thoughtlessly about others, all of which is an expression of insensitivity, a form of wanting to hurt people. One may injure another deliberately, with vengeance, or one may do it unconsciously with a word, with a gesture with a look; but in either case the urge is to hurt somebody, and there are very few who radically set aside this perverted form of pleasure. - J. Krishnamurti, The Book of Life
You want those who are high to be pulled down; you criticize, gossip thoughtlessly about others, all of which is an expression of insensitivity, a form of wanting to hurt people. One may injure another deliberately, with vengeance, or one may do it unconsciously with a word, with a gesture with a look; but in either case the urge is to hurt somebody, and there are very few who radically set aside this perverted form of pleasure. - J. Krishnamurti, The Book of Life
Real Education
The mind creates through experience, tradition, memory. Can the mind be free from storing up, though it is experiencing? You understand the difference? What is required is not the cultivation of memory but the freedom from the accumulative process of the mind.
You hurt me, which is an experience; and I store up that hurt; and that becomes my tradition; and from that tradition, I look at you, I react from that tradition. That is the everyday process of my mind and your mind. Now, is it possible that, though you hurt me, the accumulative process does not take place. The two processes are entirely different. If you say harsh words to me, it hurts me; but if that hurt is not given importance, it does not become the background from which I act; so it is possible that I meet you afresh. That is real education, in the deep sense of the word. Because, then, though I see the conditioning effects of experience, the mind is not conditioned. - J. Krishnamurti, The Book of Life
You hurt me, which is an experience; and I store up that hurt; and that becomes my tradition; and from that tradition, I look at you, I react from that tradition. That is the everyday process of my mind and your mind. Now, is it possible that, though you hurt me, the accumulative process does not take place. The two processes are entirely different. If you say harsh words to me, it hurts me; but if that hurt is not given importance, it does not become the background from which I act; so it is possible that I meet you afresh. That is real education, in the deep sense of the word. Because, then, though I see the conditioning effects of experience, the mind is not conditioned. - J. Krishnamurti, The Book of Life
Cessation of anger
We have all, I am sure, tried to subdue anger but somehow that does not seem to dissolve it. Is there a different approach to dissipate anger? Anger may spring from physical or psychological causes. One is angry, perhaps, because one is thwarted, one's defensive reactions are being broken down, or one's security which has been carefully built up is being threatened, and so on. We are all familiar with anger. How is one to understand and dissolve anger?
If you consider that your beliefs, concepts, opinions, are of the greatest importance, then you are bound to react violently when questioned. Instead of clinging to beliefs, opinions, if you begin to question whether they are essential to one's comprehension of life, then through the understanding of its causes there is the cessation of anger. Thus one begins to dissolve one's own resistances which cause conflict and pain. This again requires earnestness. We are used to controlling ourselves for sociological or religious reasons or for convenience, but to uproot anger requires deep awareness.You say you are angry when you hear of injustice. Is it because you love humanity, because you are compassionate? Do compassion and anger dwell together? Can there be justice when there is anger, hatred? You are perhaps angry at the thought of general injustice, cruelty, but your anger does not alter injustice or cruelty; it can only do harm. To bring about order, you yourself have to be thoughtful, compassionate. Action born of hatred can only create further hatred. There can be no righteousness where there is anger. Righteousness and anger cannot dwell together. - J. Krishnamurti, The Book of Life
If you consider that your beliefs, concepts, opinions, are of the greatest importance, then you are bound to react violently when questioned. Instead of clinging to beliefs, opinions, if you begin to question whether they are essential to one's comprehension of life, then through the understanding of its causes there is the cessation of anger. Thus one begins to dissolve one's own resistances which cause conflict and pain. This again requires earnestness. We are used to controlling ourselves for sociological or religious reasons or for convenience, but to uproot anger requires deep awareness.You say you are angry when you hear of injustice. Is it because you love humanity, because you are compassionate? Do compassion and anger dwell together? Can there be justice when there is anger, hatred? You are perhaps angry at the thought of general injustice, cruelty, but your anger does not alter injustice or cruelty; it can only do harm. To bring about order, you yourself have to be thoughtful, compassionate. Action born of hatred can only create further hatred. There can be no righteousness where there is anger. Righteousness and anger cannot dwell together. - J. Krishnamurti, The Book of Life
Jean Bethke Elshtain, Public Man, Private Woman: Women in Social and Political Thought (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1981), writes of "the redemption of everyday life" as a broader intellectual current.
In a more recent essay she remarks on the contrast between this orientation and a focus on self-expression: "this vision of self-celebrating self-expression . . . disdains 'mere life,' the life of labour, householdery, maternity and paternity"; Jean Bethke Elshtain, "The Risks and Responsibilities of Affirming Ordinary Life," in Philosophy in an Age of Pluralism: The Philosophy of Charles Taylor in Question, ed. James Tully (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), p. 68.
In a more recent essay she remarks on the contrast between this orientation and a focus on self-expression: "this vision of self-celebrating self-expression . . . disdains 'mere life,' the life of labour, householdery, maternity and paternity"; Jean Bethke Elshtain, "The Risks and Responsibilities of Affirming Ordinary Life," in Philosophy in an Age of Pluralism: The Philosophy of Charles Taylor in Question, ed. James Tully (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), p. 68.
unitary self
the self that has spatial integrity and temporal continuity
the unitary self is a fragile concept
dicontinuities arising from lapses of consciousness or the scattering of self-fragments in different thoughts and sensations
roles and relationships are constantly in flux
a person need not worry about playing roles that may inhibit the true self becasue the true self is whatever is present at the moment
the unitary self is a fragile concept
dicontinuities arising from lapses of consciousness or the scattering of self-fragments in different thoughts and sensations
roles and relationships are constantly in flux
a person need not worry about playing roles that may inhibit the true self becasue the true self is whatever is present at the moment
culture of individualism developed in the 1960s, peaked in the late 1970s, and then leveled off or declined in the 1980s. It also offers evidence that this cultural climate affected different age groups in similar ways.
Roberts, B. W., & Helson, R. (1997). Changes in Culture, Changes in Personality: The Influence of Individualism in a Longitudinal Study of Women. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 72(3), 641-651.
Fukuyama, F. (1999). The great disruption: Human nature and the reconstitution ofsocial order New York: Free Press.
Roberts, B. W., & Helson, R. (1997). Changes in Culture, Changes in Personality: The Influence of Individualism in a Longitudinal Study of Women. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 72(3), 641-651.
Fukuyama, F. (1999). The great disruption: Human nature and the reconstitution ofsocial order New York: Free Press.
Critics of the culture of individualism point to manifestations of selfishness, shallowness, a sense of meaninglessness, the ''atrophy of competence" (Lasch, 1979), and deteriorating relationships between the sexes.
Lasch, C. (1979). The culture of narcissism: American life in an age
of diminishing expectations. New York: Norton.
Lasch, C. (1979). The culture of narcissism: American life in an age
of diminishing expectations. New York: Norton.
direct experience
Neither the Bible nor the prophets, neither Freud nor research, neither the revelations of God nor man can take precedene over my own direct experience ---- Rogers, On Becoming a Person, p. 24.
Monday, July 18, 2011
Sunday, July 17, 2011
Organization has found that the strongest predictor of employee engagement at work was when employees answered ‘‘strongly agree’’ to the statement, ‘‘I have a best friend at work.’’ Gallup concluded that when employees have best friends at work, they
are more apt to help one another on the job, show up to work on time, and contribute to the social climate via a positive attitude.
Similarly, results of other studies have shown that when there is a task to accomplish or a problem to solve, people turn not just to authority figures, but more often to friends, family, colleagues, and others for help. Such findings point to the power of social capital as a source of contributory value.
older workers are more likely to participate in organizational citizenship
behavior (OCB) than are younger workers.
esearch has shown that older workers enjoy mentoring younger workers, sharing experiences and knowledge, and are eager to contribute to their organizations.
Younger workers, on the other hand, are somewhat less likely to take part in OCB
since they are more concerned with building their own careers and have an entitlement
perspective toward work.
Peterson, S. J., & Spiker, B. K. (2005). Establishing the Positive Contributory Value of Older Workers:: A Positive Psychology Perspective. Organizational Dynamics, 34(2), 153-167
are more apt to help one another on the job, show up to work on time, and contribute to the social climate via a positive attitude.
Similarly, results of other studies have shown that when there is a task to accomplish or a problem to solve, people turn not just to authority figures, but more often to friends, family, colleagues, and others for help. Such findings point to the power of social capital as a source of contributory value.
older workers are more likely to participate in organizational citizenship
behavior (OCB) than are younger workers.
esearch has shown that older workers enjoy mentoring younger workers, sharing experiences and knowledge, and are eager to contribute to their organizations.
Younger workers, on the other hand, are somewhat less likely to take part in OCB
since they are more concerned with building their own careers and have an entitlement
perspective toward work.
Peterson, S. J., & Spiker, B. K. (2005). Establishing the Positive Contributory Value of Older Workers:: A Positive Psychology Perspective. Organizational Dynamics, 34(2), 153-167
Saturday, July 16, 2011
One of the earliest contributions to the debate on the privatization of modern religion is that of Thomas Luckmann, The Invisible Religion: The Transformation of Symbols in Industrial Society (London: Macmillan, 1967), and one of the more recent, José Casanova, Public Religions in the Modern World (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994).
Caplow et al., Recent Social Trends, p. 346, summarizing data from Harris Polls; Gallup surveys showed a decline from 68 percent in 1975 to 52 percent in 1989 for "great deal" and "quite a lot" of confidence in organized religion combined. Surprisingly, the public thought religion was becoming more important: whereas only 14 percent said so in a 1970 poll, 49 percent did so in 1985. Yet most of the data gleaned from opinion polls about personal religious commitment showed little evidence of an across-the-board revival. The percentage of those saying religion was very important in their lives, for instance, remained about the same each year, as did figures for belief in God. Although the evangelical movement gained public attention as a result of Carter's claim to have been "born again" and because of the political muscle of Falwell and Robertson, there was little evidence that evangelicalism was attracting a substantially greater share of the public. In 1976, 34 percent said they were ''born again"; a decade later, exactly the same percentage did so. Over the same period, no change occurred in the numbers who said they tried to convert their friends to Jesus. Nor was there any increase in numbers of Americans who took the Bible as literal truth. Caplow et al., Recent Social Trends, p. 379. Had Americans' quest for spiritual discipline in the 1980s been a serious one, many of these indicators of religious commitment would have risen. That they did not is, again, evidence that discipline was a matter more of style than of substance.
Rollo May, "The Significance of Symbols," in Symbolism in Religion and Literature
Rolly May, 1959
people suffer from a "vacuum" of orienting symbols and values
the contemporary tendency is to rely on tools
a plehora of books on techinques and methods comes out at just the time when people have difficulty experiencing the power of their own emotions and passions
subjectivity is lost when people focus externally on tools, rather than internally on their own being, and that tools can alienate people from themselves because the self comes to be viewed as an object that can be manipulated, processed, and programmed.
people suffer from a "vacuum" of orienting symbols and values
the contemporary tendency is to rely on tools
a plehora of books on techinques and methods comes out at just the time when people have difficulty experiencing the power of their own emotions and passions
subjectivity is lost when people focus externally on tools, rather than internally on their own being, and that tools can alienate people from themselves because the self comes to be viewed as an object that can be manipulated, processed, and programmed.
Self-Image Leads to Pain
Why divide problems as major and minor? Is not everything a problem? Why make them little or big problems, essential or unessential problems? If we could understand one problem, go into it very deeply however small or big it is, then we would uncover all problems. This is not a rhetorical answer. Take any problem: anger, jealousy, envy, hatred&,we know them all very well. If you go into anger very deeply, not just brush it aside, then what is involved? Why is one angry? Because one is hurt, someone has said an unkind thing; and when someone says a flattering thing you are pleased. Why are you hurt? Self-importance, is it not? And why is there self-importance? Because one has an idea, a symbol of oneself, an image of oneself, what one should be, what one is or what one should not be. Why does one create an image about oneself?
Because one has never studied what one is, actually. We think we should be this or that, the ideal, the hero, the example. What awakens anger is that our ideal, the idea we have of ourselves, is attacked. And our idea about ourselves is our escape from the fact of what we are. But when you are observing the actual fact of what you are, no one can hurt you. Then, if one is a liar and is told that one is a liar it does not mean that one is hurt; it is a fact.
But when you are pretending you are not a liar and are told that you are, then you get angry, violent. So we are always living in an ideational world, a world of myth and never in the world of actuality.
To observe what is, to see it, actually be familiar with it, there must be no judgment, no evaluation, no opinion, no fear. - J. Krishnamurti, The Book of Life
Because one has never studied what one is, actually. We think we should be this or that, the ideal, the hero, the example. What awakens anger is that our ideal, the idea we have of ourselves, is attacked. And our idea about ourselves is our escape from the fact of what we are. But when you are observing the actual fact of what you are, no one can hurt you. Then, if one is a liar and is told that one is a liar it does not mean that one is hurt; it is a fact.
But when you are pretending you are not a liar and are told that you are, then you get angry, violent. So we are always living in an ideational world, a world of myth and never in the world of actuality.
To observe what is, to see it, actually be familiar with it, there must be no judgment, no evaluation, no opinion, no fear. - J. Krishnamurti, The Book of Life
Wuthnow, Robert
After heaven : spirituality in America since the 1950s
After the baby boomers : how twenty- and thirty-somethings are shaping the future of American religion
After the baby boomers : how twenty- and thirty-somethings are shaping the future of American religion
Generation X employees require special attention, managers are seeking to forestall the perceived motivational decline among members of this group with a vanety of new human resource initiatives mtended to inspire them (Kovach, 1995; Lovio-George, 1992; Medcof & Hausdorf, 1995; Tulgan, 1995).
Kovach, K.A. (1995). Employee motivation: Addressing a crucial factor in your organization’s performance. Employment Relations Today, 22 (2), 93-105.
Lovio-George, C. (1992). What motivates best? Sales and Marketing Management, 144 (4), 113-114.
Medcof, J.W. & Hausdorf, P.A. (1995). Instruments to measure opportunities to satisfy needs, and degree of satisfaction of needs, in the workplace. Journal of occupational and Organizational Psychology, 68 (3), 193-199.
Tulgan, B. (1995). Managing generation X: How to bring out the best in young talent.New York
Coupland, D. (1992). Generation X: Tales for an accelerated culture. New York: St. Martin’s Press.
This Millennial generation is said to be the first to be born into a wired world; they are ‘connected’ 24 hours a day (Ryan, 2000). Like the Gen X-ers, they have seen their parents downsized and distrust institutions.
They voice their opinions. Having a tremendous appetite for work, Millennials are expected to be the first generation to be socially active since the 1960s (Ryan, 2000).
Kovach, K.A. (1995). Employee motivation: Addressing a crucial factor in your organization’s performance. Employment Relations Today, 22 (2), 93-105.
Lovio-George, C. (1992). What motivates best? Sales and Marketing Management, 144 (4), 113-114.
Medcof, J.W. & Hausdorf, P.A. (1995). Instruments to measure opportunities to satisfy needs, and degree of satisfaction of needs, in the workplace. Journal of occupational and Organizational Psychology, 68 (3), 193-199.
Tulgan, B. (1995). Managing generation X: How to bring out the best in young talent.
Coupland, D. (1992). Generation X: Tales for an accelerated culture. New York: St. Martin’s Press.
The jury is still out for the Millennials. Born between the years of 1979 and 1994, they are just now beginning to enter the workforce. With Gen X-ers craving higher salaries, flexible work arrangements, and more financial leverage, the next generation will want even more (Jennings, 2000).
This Millennial generation is said to be the first to be born into a wired world; they are ‘connected’ 24 hours a day (Ryan, 2000). Like the Gen X-ers, they have seen their parents downsized and distrust institutions.
They voice their opinions. Having a tremendous appetite for work, Millennials are expected to be the first generation to be socially active since the 1960s (Ryan, 2000).
Productive Aging: An Overview of the Literature, Journal of Aging & Social Policy , Volume 6, Issue 3, 1995, Pages 39 - 71 , Patrick O'Reillya; Francis G. Carob
"Productive aging" describes an array of activities through which older people contribute to society. Both the extent of current productive activities among older people and the barriers to more extensive productive activity are reviewed. If certain adjustment can be made for their special needs, older people have the potential to make substantial contributions. However, a variety of prejudicial attitudes and discriminatory practices continue to limit the opportunity of older people to make productive contributions, particularly in workplace settings. Interventions are needed to strengthen opportunities for training, employment, and volunteering for older people. At the same time, program and policies to facilitate the productive participations of older people cannot easily correct the adverse effect of a lifetime of racial or gender discrimination.
"Productive aging" describes an array of activities through which older people contribute to society. Both the extent of current productive activities among older people and the barriers to more extensive productive activity are reviewed. If certain adjustment can be made for their special needs, older people have the potential to make substantial contributions. However, a variety of prejudicial attitudes and discriminatory practices continue to limit the opportunity of older people to make productive contributions, particularly in workplace settings. Interventions are needed to strengthen opportunities for training, employment, and volunteering for older people. At the same time, program and policies to facilitate the productive participations of older people cannot easily correct the adverse effect of a lifetime of racial or gender discrimination.
Earmarked by the contemporary social order to provide the grounding lacking in today’s disturbing social fragmentation, members of this generation are “less likely to take drugs, less likely to assault somebody else, less likely to get pregnant and more likely to believe in God” 44(p21) than any other youth in living memory.
O’Reilly B, Vella-Zarb K. Meet the future. Fortune.2000;142(3):24-58.
O’Reilly B, Vella-Zarb K. Meet the future. Fortune.2000;142(3):24-58.
Moen (2003, 2004) has argued that the baby boom generation is particularly resistant to the traditional conception of retirement as complete withdrawal from productive activity. An AARP (2004) survey found that 79% of baby boomers planned to work at least part-time in their retirement years and 51% planned to volunteer, supporting Moen’s thesis. If the boomers follow through on these plans, their continued participation in part-time employment should boost their volunteering through the social networks that come with part-time work. Furthermore, boomers’ reluctance to fully withdraw from productive activity should encourage them to volunteer at higher rates than earlier cohorts of elderly.
http://www.theage.com.au/news/national/generation-y-turning-away-from-religion/2006/08/05/1154198378623.html
http://www.washingtontimes.com/news/2005/apr/12/20050412-121457-4149r/
http://www.newsweek.com/2010/03/04/the-real-generation-gap.html
http://pewforum.org/Age/Religion-Among-the-Millennials.aspx
http://www.washingtontimes.com/news/2005/apr/12/20050412-121457-4149r/
http://www.newsweek.com/2010/03/04/the-real-generation-gap.html
http://pewforum.org/Age/Religion-Among-the-Millennials.aspx
They also argued that the generation born 1982-1999, whom they labeled Millennials, will cycle back to the “Greatest Generation” personality of the youth of WWII and will be dutiful, group-oriented, and anti-individualistic (Howe and Strauss, 2000).
Strauss and Howe (35) assert that the work ethic of employees is cyclical in nature, a view echoed by Hall (36). Their longitudinal model presents a reactionary picture of employee value structures, wherein one generation rebuts the values of their parents. Thus, GenXers would be expected to more closely resemble their grandparents or great-grandparents than their parents, in an ongoing ebb and flow of value preferences.
Hall MA. Playing their strengths: The hows and whys of Generation X. Campus Activities Programming. 1995; 28:46-53.
Strauss and Howe (35) assert that the work ethic of employees is cyclical in nature, a view echoed by Hall (36). Their longitudinal model presents a reactionary picture of employee value structures, wherein one generation rebuts the values of their parents. Thus, GenXers would be expected to more closely resemble their grandparents or great-grandparents than their parents, in an ongoing ebb and flow of value preferences.
Hall MA. Playing their strengths: The hows and whys of Generation X. Campus Activities Programming. 1995; 28:46-53.
Friday, July 15, 2011
Trzesniewski, K. H., Donnellan, M. B., & Robins, R. W. (2008). Do today’s young people really think they are so extraordinary? An examination of secular changes in narcissism and self-enhancement. Psychological Science, 19, 181–188.
Twenge, J. M., Zhang, L., & Im, C. (2004). It’s beyond my control: A cross-temporal meta-analysis of increasing externality in Locus of Control, 1960–2002. Personality and Social Psychology Review, 8, 308–319.
Roberts, B. W., & Helson, R. (1997). Changes in culture, changes in personality: The influence of individualism in a longitudinal study of women. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 72, 641–651.
Donnellan, M. B., Trzesniewski, K. H., Robins, R. W., Moffitt, T. E., & Caspi, A. (2005). Low self-esteem is related to aggression, antisocial behavior, and delinquency. Psychological Science, 16, 328–335.
Campbell, W. K., Bonacci, A. M., Shelton, J., Exline, J. J., & Bushman, B. J. (2004). Psychological entitlement: Interpersonal consequences and validation of a self-report measure. Journal of Personality Assessment, 83, 29–45.
Caspi (1998) noted that a cohort difference ‘‘is like an age difference or a social class difference; it remains an empty finding until it can be translated into psychological processes or events’’ (p. 343).
Caspi, A. (1998). Personality development across the life course. In W. Damon (Ed.), Handbook of child psychology, Vol. 3: Social, emotional, and personality development (5th ed., pp. 311–388). New York: Wiley.
once researchers identify replicable cohort effects, there is a pressing need to develop and empirically evaluate models that link sociohistorical changes to individual personality development (Stewart &
Healy, 1989).
Stewart, A. J., & Healy, J. M. Jr. (1989). Linking individual development and social changes. American Psychologist, 44, 30–42.
Twenge, J. M. (2006). Generation Me: Why today’s young Americans are more confident, assertive, entitled—and more miserable than ever before. New York: Free Press.
Twenge, J. M., Zhang, L., & Im, C. (2004). It’s beyond my control: A cross-temporal meta-analysis of increasing externality in Locus of Control, 1960–2002. Personality and Social Psychology Review, 8, 308–319.
Roberts, B. W., & Helson, R. (1997). Changes in culture, changes in personality: The influence of individualism in a longitudinal study of women. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 72, 641–651.
Donnellan, M. B., Trzesniewski, K. H., Robins, R. W., Moffitt, T. E., & Caspi, A. (2005). Low self-esteem is related to aggression, antisocial behavior, and delinquency. Psychological Science, 16, 328–335.
Campbell, W. K., Bonacci, A. M., Shelton, J., Exline, J. J., & Bushman, B. J. (2004). Psychological entitlement: Interpersonal consequences and validation of a self-report measure. Journal of Personality Assessment, 83, 29–45.
Caspi (1998) noted that a cohort difference ‘‘is like an age difference or a social class difference; it remains an empty finding until it can be translated into psychological processes or events’’ (p. 343).
Caspi, A. (1998). Personality development across the life course. In W. Damon (Ed.), Handbook of child psychology, Vol. 3: Social, emotional, and personality development (5th ed., pp. 311–388). New York: Wiley.
once researchers identify replicable cohort effects, there is a pressing need to develop and empirically evaluate models that link sociohistorical changes to individual personality development (Stewart &
Healy, 1989).
Stewart, A. J., & Healy, J. M. Jr. (1989). Linking individual development and social changes. American Psychologist, 44, 30–42.
Twenge, J. M. (2006). Generation Me: Why today’s young Americans are more confident, assertive, entitled—and more miserable than ever before. New York: Free Press.
Kruglanski (1975) made an important distinction between research with
universalistic (i.e., theory testing) and particularistic (i.e., purely descriptive) goals
and we emphasize that college student research is well suited for research with universalistic goals. Our point is that convenience samples of college students have limitations when it comes to making inferences about the particular thoughts, feelings, and behaviors of the entire population of college students or when making inferences to all members of a particular birth cohort
universalistic (i.e., theory testing) and particularistic (i.e., purely descriptive) goals
and we emphasize that college student research is well suited for research with universalistic goals. Our point is that convenience samples of college students have limitations when it comes to making inferences about the particular thoughts, feelings, and behaviors of the entire population of college students or when making inferences to all members of a particular birth cohort
Hurt Feelings
How should we act in order not to trouble others?Is that what you want to know? I am afraid then we should not be acting at all. If you live completely, your actions may cause trouble; but what is more important: finding out what is true, or not disturbing others? This seems so simple that it hardly needs to be answered.
Why do you want to respect other people's feelings and points of view?
Are you afraid of having your own feelings hurt, your point of view being changed?
If people have opinions that differ from yours, you can find out if they are true only by questioning them, by coming into active contact with them. And if you find that those opinions and feelings are not true, your discovery may cause disturbance to those who cherish them. Then what should you do? Should you comply with them, or compromise with them in order not to hurt your friends? - J. Krishnamurti, The Book of Life
Why do you want to respect other people's feelings and points of view?
Are you afraid of having your own feelings hurt, your point of view being changed?
If people have opinions that differ from yours, you can find out if they are true only by questioning them, by coming into active contact with them. And if you find that those opinions and feelings are not true, your discovery may cause disturbance to those who cherish them. Then what should you do? Should you comply with them, or compromise with them in order not to hurt your friends? - J. Krishnamurti, The Book of Life
Baby Boomers reported better person-organisation values fit with extrinsic values and status values (Cennamo & Gardner, 2008).
Baby Boomers reportedly place greater importance on their quality of life than on money as compared to Generation Xers who will “trade off high compensation for leisure time” (Robbins, 1998; Smith and Ciurman, 1997).
Compared to baby boomers, Generational Xers place more value on status (Cennamo & Gardner, 2008); are more likely to report experience a lack of P-O fit and thus are less committed to their organizations (Cennamo & Gardner, 2008), more ambitious and career centered, more motivated by progression (Wong, Gardiner, Lang, & Coulon, 2008) , and have a tendency to enjoy working with demanding roles and targets to a greater degree (Wong, Gardiner, Lang, & Coulon, 2008), have stronger learning orientation (D'Amato & Herzfeldt, 2008).
Hornblower (1997), suggests that “64% of Generation Xers are more concerned overall with money than 31% of the Boomers.”
Generation Xers are more ambitious, career-centered, individualistic (Twenge, 2006; Twenge & Campbell, 2008), more motivated by achievement (intent to work to demanding goals), progression (having good promotion prospects), and affiliation (opportunities for interaction with other people in work) (Wong, Gardiner, Lang, & Coulon, 2008); have higher self-esteem, narcissism, anxiety, depression, external locus of control, and lower need for social approval (Twenge & Campbell, 2008); place higher value on status (Cennamo, & Gardner, 2008), and have a higher learning orientation (D'Amato & Herzfeldt, 2008). are more productive, more motivated, easily trainable and exhibit higher job satisfaction levels (Appelbaum, Serena, & Shapiro, 2004).
Baby Boomers reportedly place greater importance on their quality of life than on money as compared to Generation Xers who will “trade off high compensation for leisure time” (Robbins, 1998; Smith and Ciurman, 1997).
Compared to baby boomers, Generational Xers place more value on status (Cennamo & Gardner, 2008); are more likely to report experience a lack of P-O fit and thus are less committed to their organizations (Cennamo & Gardner, 2008), more ambitious and career centered, more motivated by progression (Wong, Gardiner, Lang, & Coulon, 2008) , and have a tendency to enjoy working with demanding roles and targets to a greater degree (Wong, Gardiner, Lang, & Coulon, 2008), have stronger learning orientation (D'Amato & Herzfeldt, 2008).
Hornblower (1997), suggests that “64% of Generation Xers are more concerned overall with money than 31% of the Boomers.”
Generation Xers are more ambitious, career-centered, individualistic (Twenge, 2006; Twenge & Campbell, 2008), more motivated by achievement (intent to work to demanding goals), progression (having good promotion prospects), and affiliation (opportunities for interaction with other people in work) (Wong, Gardiner, Lang, & Coulon, 2008); have higher self-esteem, narcissism, anxiety, depression, external locus of control, and lower need for social approval (Twenge & Campbell, 2008); place higher value on status (Cennamo, & Gardner, 2008), and have a higher learning orientation (D'Amato & Herzfeldt, 2008). are more productive, more motivated, easily trainable and exhibit higher job satisfaction levels (Appelbaum, Serena, & Shapiro, 2004).
compared to Generational Xers, baby boomers reported better fit for extrinsic work values (such as pay and benefits) and status (Cennamo & Gardner, 2008), are more motivated by power (Wong, Gardiner, Lang, & Coulon, 2008), have higher organizational commitment (D'Amato & Herzfeldt, 2008). baby boomers are more optimistic, more motivated by power (opportunities for exercising authority, taking responsibility, negotiating and being in a position to influence others) (Wong, Gardiner, Lang, & Coulon, 2008), report better person-organization values fit with extrinsic and status work values (Cennamo & Gardner, 2008), have a higher intent to stay with their current organizations (D'Amato & Herzfeldt, 2008), and have higher organizational commitment (D'Amato & Herzfeldt, 2008).
early baby boomers (born from 1943 to 1952) had noteworthy increase in personal or private religiousness (e.g., prayer practices) because during this era the encouragement of religious activities was at its highest in USA
Sessa, V. I. , Kabacoff, R. I., Deal, J., & Brown, H. 2007. Generational differences in leader values and leadership behaviors. Psychologist-Manager Journal, 10: 47-74.
Twenge, J. M., & Campbell, W. K. 2001. Age and birth cohort differences in self-esteem: A cross-temporal meta-analysis. Personality and Social Psychology Review, 5: 321-344.
Parker and Cusmir (1991) compared generational groups’ (pre-Boomers, Boomers, and post- Boomers) base belief systems and life success (values) scores. Their results suggested that the Boomer managers base their belief systems more on humanistic/moralistic values, where pre-Boomer managers were more traditional and pragmatic.
Twenge, J. M., Konrath, S., Foster, J. D., Campbell, W. K., & Bushman, B. J. 2008. Egos inflating over time: A cross-temporal meta-analysis of the Narcissistic Personality Inventory. Journal of Personality, 76: 875-901
Generation xers have higher learning orientation than baby boomers (D'Amato, A., & Herzfeldt, R. (2008). Baby boomers have higher organizational commitment than generation Xers (D'Amato, A., & Herzfeldt, R. (2008).
Coleman, L., Hladikova, M. and Savelyeva, M. (2006), ‘‘The baby boomer market’’, Journal of Targeting, Measurement and Analysis Marketing, Vol. 14 No. 3, pp. 191-209.
Research found a majority of boomers were considering new careers and working well into their retirement years. Selfless baby boomers who look to make a difference, •78 percent wanted to help the poor and elderly. They want to keep contributing, they want to have a reason to get up in the morning, they want to be connected to other people."
Coleman, L., Hladikova, M., & Savelyeva, M. (2006)
The majority of baby boomers were considering new careers and working into their retirement years. Among the 1000 people surveyed, 78 % want to help the poor and the elderly
Demands for boomers’ skills, boomers are more educated than other generations in history, the pattern of working longer is bound to continue --- labor shortages the could emerge if boomers retire en masse and there are not enough people to take their places Coleman, L., Hladikova, M., & Savelyeva, M. (2006)
http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/8335831/ns/nightly_news/t/selfless-baby-boomers-switch-careers/
retirement is not the “end of your productive years” .is about starting a new chapter in life, retirement as a new chapter (Princeton Survey Research Report)
continue to work after retirement, the desire to do work that enhances the well-being of others , work that is not only personally meaningful but that means something important in service to the wider community and contribute to the greater good, social renewal, people and purpose—the connections to others committed to similar goals, and a reason to get up in the morning , the drive toward good work comes largely from the people themselves—not the organizations that might use their time, talents, and experience. This drive contains many of the features of a social movement. Commitment to service, (Freedman, 2005)
More than three-quarters (78%) are interested in working to help the poor, the elderly,
and other people in need. overwhelming interest in finding specific types of
work in retirement that would serve the community and people in need. Half of all Americans age 50 to 70 want work that helps others. Second careers in the retirement years are about people, purpose, and community. -- Princeton Survey Research Associates International
People who were told from birth about their own signifi-
People who were told from birth about their own signifi-
cance aren’t ready to give it up just because they’ve hit a career ceiling called “retirement age.” Baby boomers still want to change the world---“connection” and “sense of purpose” ---- Rosabeth Moss Kanter
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