Tuesday, August 14, 2018

Hanegraaff, W. J. New Age Religion and Western Culture: Esotericism in the Mirror of Secular Thought. Leiden, New York, Cologne: University of New York Press, 1996

Monday, August 13, 2018

Millennial

Howe and Strauss’ Millennials Rising: The Next Great Generation (2000)

Howe and Strauss’ characterization of this generation as confident, achieving, and accepting of authority has been widely criticized for reaching overly optimistic conclusions based on a small sample and anecdotal evidence (Hoover, 2009).

Twenge’s Generation Me: Why Today’s Young Americans Are More Confident, Assertive, Entitled—and More Miserable Than Ever Before (2006).

Twenge’s characterization of Millennials as narcissistic, anxiety-ridden job hoppers who have difficulty taking criticism (see also Twenge, 2008; Twenge, Campbell, Hoffman, & Lance, 2010) has been widely criticized for using outdated scales and improper statistical techniques and overemphasizing statistical significance (Hoover, 2009; see also, for example, Hafdahl & Gray-Little, 2002; Trzesniewski & Donnellan, 2009).

Sunday, August 12, 2018

secularization theories

Continued social differentiation
Social differentiation, defined as the
loss of religion’s influence due to the increasing autonomy of the various spheres of social life—economic activity, education, health, politics, religion, and so on—remains a core tenet of modernization theory (Casanova 1994; Martin 2005; Wilson 1998).

Casanova, Jose. 1994. Public Religions in the Modern World. Chicago: University of Chicago
Press

Martin, David. 2005. On Secularization towards a Revised General Theory. Burlington: Ashgate.

Wilson, Bryan. 1998. “The Secularization Thesis: Criticisms and Rebuttals.” In Secularization
and Social Integration: Papers in Honour of Karek Dobbelaere, edited by R. Laermans, B.
WilsonJ. Billiet. 45–66, Leuven: Leuven University Press.

Rising “individualism.” 
The arrival of the values of individualism in the modern world is an important subtheme to modernization theory (Bruce 2002; Martin 2005). Recently, newer theories related to the rise of expressive individualism and “postmaterialist” culture since the 1960s have been advanced and documented empirically in Canada and elsewhere (Adams 2004; Inglehart and Welzel 2005).

Bruce, Steve. 2002. God Is Dead. Malden: Blackwell Publishing

Adams, Michael. 2004. Fire and Ice: The United States, Canada and the Myth of Converging
Values. Toronto: Penguin.

Inglehart, Ronald, and Christian Welzel. 2005. Modernization, Cultural Change, and
Democracy: The Human Development Sequence. New York: Cambridge University Press.

Rationalization and the rise of science.
Max Weber wrote of the disenchantment (entzauberung) of modern life as individuals were
increasingly enclosed in an “iron cage” of rationality and growing bureaucracy (Weber [1930] 1992). For Berger, rationalization was a “decisive variable” in secularization processes (Berger 1967:133).
BryanWilson spoke of changes in the “character of knowledge” with shifts to “empirical investigation and scientific discovery” which, along with increasing rationality in the workplace and shifts in political authority away from the need for religious legitimation were understood by him as the three core elements of secularization (Wilson 1998:50).

Weber, Max. [1930] 1992. The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism. New York:
Routledge.

Berger, Peter L. 1967. The Sacred Canopy: Elements of a Sociological Theory of Religion.
New York: Anchor Books.


Religious pluralism.
The pluralism thesis, famously advanced by Peter Berger, is considered to be an important connecting link between modernization theory and secularization. As Berger put it then: “The phenomenon called pluralism is a social-structural correlate of the secularization of consciousness” (Berger 1967:128). What happens when more than one religious system claims to have the final explanation for the human condition, asked Berger? His answer was that both systems lose legitimacy in a “crisis of credibility”(Berger 1967:127) as each competes for exclusive access to the “truth.” Berger also maintained that any ideological view or value system (such as individualism) might also rival religious worldviews in “the business of defining the world” (Berger 1967:137) and that religious monopolies such as those in Europe were particularly vulnerable to the effects of pluralism.

Deprivation–compensation theory. 
An important contribution to deprivation–compensation theory has been offered by Norris and
Inglehart (2004). On this account, the “existential security” enjoyed by affluent, postindustrial societies produces decreased vulnerability to the psychological impact of mortal events—famines, floods, wars, poverty, and disease—and hence to a reduced dependency on the security that religion affords. In developed societies, social groups who are more vulnerable to the “risks and dangers” of life-threatening events may rely to a greater degree on religion since it enables “people to shut out anxiety and focus on coping with their immediate problems” (Norris and Inglehart 2004:19).

Norris, Pippa, and Ronald Inglehart. 2004. Sacred and Secular: Religion and Politics Worldwide.
New York: Cambridge University Press

Postmodern effects.
Postmodern theorists share a “skepticism about the possibility of truth, reason and moral universals” and about Enlightenment narratives of progress in general (Rosenau 1992:23). The latter includes skepticism about science and its role. The general hypothesis is that a postmodern attitude of general skepticism and “lack of final answers” has become a mainstream phenomenon, spreading from academic life to public consciousness. Lyon (2000) maintains that traditional secularization theory misses the radically transformed nature of our postmodern world, a position which secularization theorists naturally challenge (see, for example, Bruce [2002:229] and Wilson [1998:47]).

Rosenau, Pauline Marie. 1992. Post-Modernism and the Social Sciences: Insights, Inroads, and
Intrusions. Princeton: Princeton University Press

Lyon, David. 2000. Jesus in Disneyland: Religion in Postmodern Times. Cambridge: Polity Press

Supply-side theory.
Supply-side theorists contend that the vitality of a society’s religious institutions is a function of the vitality and relevance of the religious “firms” catering to its religious marketplace (Stark and Finke 2000).

Stark, Rodney, and Roger Finke. 2000. Acts of Faith: Explaining the Human Side of Religion.
Berkeley: University of California Pres

Friday, August 10, 2018

Benson, P. L., & Spilka, B. (1973). God image as a function of self-esteem and locus of control. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, 12, 297–310

Bridges, L. J., & Moore, K. A. (2002). Religion and spirituality in childhood and adolescence. Washington, DC: Child Trends

Campbell, R. A.,&Curtis, J. E. (1996). The public’s views on the future of religion and science: Cross-national survey results. Review of Religious Research, 37, 164–171.

Helminiak, D. A. (1987). Spiritual development: An interdisciplinary study. Chicago: Loyola University Press.

Irwin, R. R. (2002). Human development and the spiritual life: How consciousness grows toward transformation. New York: Kluwer Academic/Plenum

Oser, F., & Scarlett W. G. (Eds.). (1991). Religious development in childhood and adolescence. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass

Paloutzian, R. F. (1996). Invitation to the psychology of religion (2nd ed.). Needham Heights, MA: Allyn & Bacon.

Reich, K. H. (1996).A logic-based typology of science and theology. Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies, 8, 149–167

Reker, G. T.,&Chamberlain, K. (2000). Exploring existential meaning: Optimizing human development across the life span. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.

Hood, R. W., Jr., Spilka, B., Hunsberger, B., & Gorsuch, R. (1996). The psychology of religion: An empirical approach (2nd ed.).New York: Guilford.

Lerner, R.M. (Ed.) (2002). Concepts and theories of human development (3rd ed.). Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc.

spirituality only emerges in adolescence or early adulthood (e.g., Helminiak, 1987; Irwin, 2002

Gorsuch, R. L. (1988). Psychology of religion. Annual Review of Psychology, 39, 201–221

Coles, R. (1990). The spiritual life of children. Boston: Houghton Mifflin.

Nye, R. M. (1999). Relational consciousness and the spiritual lives of children: Convergence with children’s theory of mind. In K. H. Reich, F. K. Oser, & W. G. Scarlett (Eds.), The case of religion.
Vol. 2: Psychological studies on spiritual and religious development (pp. 57–82). Lengerich, Germany: Pabst.

How to give feedback so people hear you're trying to help

Oser, F. K., Scarlett, W. G., & Bucher, A. (2006). Religious and Spiritual Development throughout the Life Span. In R. M. Lerner & W. Damon (Eds.), Handbook of child psychology: Theoretical models of human development (pp. 942-998). V1, 6th edition, Hoboken, NJ, US: John Wiley & Sons Inc.

Fowler, J. W., & Dell, M. L. (2006). Stages of Faith From Infancy Through Adolescence: Reflections on Three Decades of Faith Development Theory. In E. C. Roehlkepartain, P. E. King, L. Wagener, & P. L. Benson (Eds.), The handbook of spiritual development in childhood and adolescence (pp. 34-45). Thousand Oaks, CA, US: Sage Publications, Inc.
http://dx.doi.org/10.4135/9781412976657.n3

Sinnott, J. (2000). Cognitive aspects of unitative states: Spiritual self realization, intimacy, and knowing the unknowable. In M. E. Miller & A.N.West (Eds.), Spirituality, ethics, and relationship in
adulthood: Clinical and theoretical explorations (pp. 177–198). Madison, CT: Psychosocial
Press.

Reich, K. H. (2002). Developing the horizons of the mind: Relational and contextual reasoning and
the resolution of cognitive conflict. New York: Cambridge University Press.

Thursday, August 09, 2018

Roehlkepartain, E. C., King, P. E., Wagener, L., & Benson, P. L. (Eds.). (2006). The handbook of spiritual development in childhood and adolescence. Thousand Oaks, CA, US: Sage Publications, Inc.

Cook-Greuter, S. (1990), “Maps for living: ego-development stages from symbiosis to conscious universal embeddedness”, in Commons, M.L., Armon, C., Kohlberg, L., Richards, F.A., Grotzer, T.A. and Sinnott, J.D. (Eds), Adult Development, Vol. 2: Models and Methods in the Study of
Adolescent and Adult Thought, Praeger, New York, NY, pp. 79-104.

Cook-Greuter, S.R. (1999), “Postautonomous ego development: a study of its nature and measurement”, doctoral dissertation, Harvard Graduate School of Education,
Cambridge, MA.

Alexander, C. N., Heaton, D. P., & Chandler, H. M. (1994). Advanced human development in the Vedic Psychology of Maharishi Mahesh Yogi: Theory and research. In M. E. Miller & S. R. Cook-Greuter (Eds.), Transcendence and mature thought in adulthood: The further reaches of adult development (pp. 39-70). Lanham, MD, England: Rowman & Littlefield.
Raymond F. Paloutzian and Crystal L. Park (2005) Handbook of the psychology of religion and spirituality, New York: The Guilford Press

However automatic this transmission may have been among our ancestors, some scholars, especially around the time of the Vietnam War, detected a breakdown of generational continuity (Friedenburg, 1969), including a discontinuity of religious beliefs (Thomas, 1974).

Friedenburg, E. (1969). Current patterns of a generation conflict. Journal of Social Issues, 25, 21–38.

Thomas, L. E. (1974). Generational discontinuity in beliefs: An exploration of the generation gap.
Journal of Social Issues, 30, 1–22.

Oman, D.,&Thoresen, C. E. (2003). Spiritual modeling: A key to spiritual and religious growth. The
International Journal for the Psychology of Religion, 13, 149–165.

Silberman, I. (2003). Spiritual role modeling: The teaching of meaning systems. The International
Journal for the Psychology of Religion, 13, 175–195.

Oser, F. (1991). The development of religious judgement. In. F. K. Oser&W. G. Scarlett (Eds.), Religious development in childhood and adolescence (pp. 5–25). San Francisco: Jossey-Bass.

Oser, F.,&Gmunder, P. (1991). Religious judgement: A developmental perspective. Birmingham, AL:
Religious Education Press.

Spilka, B., Hood, R.W., Jr., Hunsberger, B., Gorsuch, R. (2003). The psychology of religion: An empirical approach (3rd ed.). New York: Guilford Press.

Wulff, D. M. (1997). Psychology of religion: Classic and contemporary views (2nd ed.). New York:
Wiley.

Levenson, M. R., Jennings, P. A., Aldwin, C. M.,&Shiraishi, R.W. (2005). Self-transcendence: Conceptualization and measurement. International Journal of Aging and Human Development, 60,
127–143.

Levenson, M. R., Jennings, P. A., Le, T.,&Aldwin, C. M. (2005). Contemplative psychologies as theories of self-transcendence in adulthood. In D. Wulff (Ed.), Handbook of the psychology of religion. Oxford: Oxford University Press

Levenson, M. R., & Crumpler, C. A. (1996). Three models of adult psychological development. Human Development, 39, 135–194.

Clore, V.,&Fitzgerald, J. (2002). Intentional faith: An alternative view of faith development. Journal
of Adult Development, 9, 97–107.


Reich (1991),
reflecting upon the theories of Fowler (1981) and Oser and Gmunder
(Oser, 1991; Oser & Gmunder, 1991), observed that these theories are consistent with an
inclusive logic that allows for the incorporation of contradictory positions in a new, overarching
framework. In Reich’s analysis and synthesis of stage theories, cognitive religious
development consists of either/or reasoning based on familiar Aristotelean logic being
supplanted by complementarity reasoning. In the latter, different, seemingly contradictory
explanations are increasingly understood to be provisional and perspectival.

Reich, K. H. (1991). The role of complementarity reasoning in religious development. In F. K. Oser&
W. G. Scarlett (Eds.), Religions development in childhood and adolescence (pp. 77–89). San
Francisco: Jossey-Bass

@Levenson, M. R., Aldwin, C. M., & D'Mello, M. (2005). Religious Development from Adolescence to Middle Adulthood. In R. F. Paloutzian & C. L. Park (Eds.), Handbook of the psychology of religion and spirituality. New York: The Guilford Press


How new poaching for skin jewelry could decimate Asian elephants

Wednesday, August 08, 2018

Hall, David D., ed. 1997. Lived Religion in America. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press
McFadden, Susan. 1996. “Religion, Spirituality, and Aging.” In J. Birren&W. Schaie, eds., Handbook
of the Psychology of Aging (pp. 41–52). San Diego: Academic Press

McFadden, S. H. (1996). Religion, spirituality, and aging. In J. E. Birren, K. W. Schaie, R. P. Abeles, M. Gatz, & T. A. Salthouse (Eds.), The handbooks of aging. Handbook of the psychology of aging (pp. 162-177). San Diego, CA, US: Academic Press.

Sinnott, Jan. 1994. “Development and Yearning: Cognitive Aspects of Spiritual Development.”

Journal of Adult Development 1: 91–9.

Wink, Paul, and Michele Dillon
2002. “Spiritual Development Across the Adult Life Course.” Journal of Adult Development

9: 79–94.

Robert Mueller and his pursuit of justice

Protestant ethic → industrial capitalism → economic growth
1950s and 1960s
structural functionalism
Talcott Parsons, who stressed above everything the integrative role of religion.
Religion – a functional prerequisite – was central to the complex models of social systems and social action elaborated by Parsons. In bringing together these two elements (i.e., social systems and social action), Parsons was drawing on both Durkheim and Weber
social order should be underpinned by religious values was widespread.

the 1960s gave way to a far less confident decade, the
sociology of religion shifted once again. This time to the social construction of meaning
systems epitomized by the work of Berger and Luckmann (1966). The Parsonian model
is inverted; social order exists but it is constructed from below. So constructed, religion
offers believers crucial explanations and meanings which they use to make sense of
their lives, not least during times of personal or social crisis. Hence Berger’s (1967) idea
of religion as a form of “sacred canopy” that shields both individual and society from
“the ultimately destructive consequences of a seemingly chaotic, purposeless existence”
(Karlenzig 1998).

The mood of the later 1970s, profoundly shaken by the oil crisis and its
effects on economic growth, reflects the need for meaning and purpose (no longer could these simply be assumed). The 1970s merge, moreover, into the modern period, a world in which conflict – including religious conflict – rather than consensus dominates the agenda (Beckford 1989: 8–13). Religion has not only become increasingly prominent but also increasingly contentious.
From the eighteenth century encyclopedists (St. Simon, Comte, and Spencer) to Marx, Durkheim, Weber, Simmel, Tylor, Marett, Wundt, Freud, James, and Jung, the challenge of demonstrating the social, cultural, or psychological reality of religion

Tuesday, August 07, 2018

Peck, R. (1968). Psychological developments in the second half of life. In
B. L. Neugarten (Ed.), Middle age and aging: A reader in social psychology
(pp. 88-92). Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

L'Ecuyer, R. (1990). Le developement du concept de soi de 0 a 100 ans:
Cent ans apres William James. Revue quebecoise de psychologie,
Special edition on the self-concept

Waterman, A. S., & Archer, S. L. (1990). A life span perspective on identity
formation: Developments in form, function, and process. In P. B.
Baltes, D. L. Featherman, & R. M. Lerner (Eds.), Life-span development
and behavior (Vol. 10, p. 29-57). Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence
Erlbaum.

Hill, P. C., & Pargament, K. I. (2003). Advances in the conceptualization and measurement of religion and spirituality. American Psychologist, 58, 64–74.

Auguste Comte

Auguste Comte, who gave our discipline its name. He postulated in the mid-nineteenth century that society had passed through two stages, the religious and the metaphysical. We were on the verge, Comte believed, of a new stage which he called the positive.
In this third stage science and reason would replace belief in the supernatural.

But Comte could not envision moving into a religionless society. Often missing from contemporary textbook discussions of Comte is the fact that he attempted to found a religion.  Called the Church of Humanity, Comte's religion did not include a supernatural force, but it was grounded on the assumption of the necessity of religion as a mechanism of social control. Social rituals, designed to socialize and reinforce commitment, were central to the doctrines of Comte's religion. He established a Positivist Society and recruited a small cadre of disciples. They, in turn, organized the Church of Humanity.

Auguste Comte (1830–42/1969), famous for coining the word sociology, announced that, as a result of modernization, human society was outgrowing the “theological stage” of social evolution and a new age was dawning in which the science of sociology would replace religion as the basis for
moral judgments. MaxWeber

Hadden, J. K. (1987). Toward Desacralizing Secularization Theory*. Social Forces, 65(3), 587-611. doi: 10.1093/sf/65.3.587

Bryson, Gladys. 1936. "Early English Positivists and the Religion of Humanity." American
Sociological Review 1:343-62.

Durkheim, Emile. (1912) 1961. The Elementary Forms of Religious Life. Collier Book'

Schiner, Larry. 1967. "The Concept Secularization in Empirical Research." Journal for the Scientific
Study of Religion 6:202-20.

Monday, August 06, 2018

Parsons, Talcott 1967 Christianity and modern industrial society. In Sociological theory and modern society, edited by Talcott Parsons, 385-421. New York: The Free Press

Roof, Wade Clark, and William McKinney 1987 American mainline religion. Its changing shape and future. New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press
Wuthnow, Robert. 1987. Meaning and Moral Order. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University
of California Press
Fligstein, Neil. 2001. “Social Skills and the Theory of Fields.” Sociological Theory 19
(2): 105–26.

Sunday, August 05, 2018

Demerath III, N. J. 1999. The varieties of sacred experience: Finding the sacred in a secular grove. Presidential Address, Society for the Scientific Study of Religion.
neosecularization paradigm

within churches and denominations, religious hierarchies are being flattened, clergy are being replaced in leadership positions by laity with valuable technical skills, and clergys academic knowledge (theology) is being marginalized by an emphasis on running churches more like businesses
Abbotts theory of professions (1988)
Abbott argues that within organizations, especially overworked ones like downsized hospitals, the divisions between professional jurisdictions often become blurred. A type of knowledge transfer occurs, which he calls workplace assimilation, that allows other workers to learn a craft version of a given professions knowledge system. He adds that in the jurisdictional system of the workplace, it is the real output of an individual, not credentialed or non-credentialized status, that matters.

Abbott, A. 1988. The system of professions. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.
Weber, Max

1958 The protestant ethic and the spirit of capitalism. New York: Scribner and Sons.

1963 The sociology of religion. Boston: Beacon Press.

太陽眼鏡

選擇太陽眼鏡3要點
依經濟部標準檢驗局提供選購太陽眼鏡要點,包括:

一、看標示:

選購有商品檢驗標示的太陽眼鏡,標示內容包括「鏡片材質、鏡框材質、符合標準CNS 15067、濾鏡分類編號、光學等級、非作直視太陽用、製造商或進口商名稱、地址及聯絡電話」等,避免購買來路不明、水貨及仿冒品。

護眼防曬係數(E-SPF,Eye-Sun Protection Factor):係數分為5、10、25三類,數字越大效果越佳。

二、選合適:

選配時除外觀及舒適性外,應儘可能選擇可保護到眼側且貼合臉型的款示,並注意其用途,如開車時請勿佩戴顏色過深的深色太陽眼鏡,避免天色昏暗時影響行車視線,才能確保行車安全。另佩戴觀看景物呈紅、藍或紫色之太陽眼鏡,需格外留意是否可清楚辨識交通號誌燈變化(紅黃綠燈)。

三、慎保管:

切勿將太陽眼鏡放置於高溫的汽車內,60℃以上高溫除了會破壞鏡片鍍膜外,塑膠材質亦容易變形。

太陽眼鏡不是顏色愈深愈好!
專家提出警告,顏色只能讓光線減弱,但不能阻擋隔絕紫外線。而且深色鏡片會讓視線變暗,眼睛瞳孔放大,反而吸收更多紫外線灼傷眼睛,國泰醫院眼科醫生林思源說,這類情形相當常見。

灰色是公認最好的太陽眼鏡顏色。因為灰色鏡片對各顏色波長吸收均勻,不會改變物體原色。

墨綠色和灰色效果雷同,棕色看景物時呈現溫暖橘紅調,讓視覺效果變得柔和。

運動員最常用黃色鏡片,可以阻隔有害藍光,「藍光是造成視網膜黃斑病變的主因,」陽明醫院眼科醫師王孟祺解釋,黃色鏡片可以增加顏色對比度,讓運動員在快速運動中仍能保持視線清晰。

黃色鏡片也適用室內或夜晚駕車配戴,可擋掉刺眼亮光。

相反地,藍色鏡片會吸引有害的藍色光線通過眼睛,最不建議使用。

至於紅色、玫瑰色等屬於流行裝飾,並不是保護眼睛的太陽眼鏡。

顏色要多深才夠合適?
澳洲視光碩士張藍尤建議,一般戶外活動選擇遮光率75%以上的鏡片才足夠。戴上太陽眼鏡照鏡子,如果鏡子中看不清楚甚至看不見自己的眼睛,通常表示遮光率、深度已經足夠。

【Joeman】興隆公宅開箱!2100元就能住到12坪的台北市大套房?ft.柯文哲

Robert Wuthnow, Meaning and Moral Order (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987)

Pierre Bourdieu, Outline of a Theory of Practice (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1979).

Talcott Parsons, "Christianity in Modern Industrial Society," in Sociological Theory and
Modern Society (New York: The Free Press, 1967).

"rational choice" model of religion elaborated in
Laurence R. Iannaccone, "A Formal Model of Church and Sect," American Journal of Sociology 94 (Suppl. 1988): 241-68;
Laurence R. Iannaccone, "Why Strict Churches Are Strong," American Journal of Sociology 99,
no. 5 (March 1994): 1180-1211
Roger Finke and Rodney Stark, The Churching of America (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1992)

In their assertion that strict churches are strong, they are testing the hypotheses made famous by Dean M. Kelley, in Why Conservative Churches Are Growing, 2nd ed. (San Francisco: Harper and Row, 1977).

Selling God: American Religion in the Marketplace of Culture (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994).

Saturday, August 04, 2018

Rodney Stark argues that this-worldly religions are destined to extinction, always being
replaced by stronger, other-worldly groups that offer the unique "compensators" that only
religion can offer. See Rodney Stark and William Sims Bainbridge, The Future of Religion
(Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985). The implications of this essay for that argument
are taken up below. The people I call "Golden Rule Christians" are the people rational choice
theorists would call "free riders."

generation, generational conflict, Secularization

Historical-consciousness theory
Mannheim

Structural-functional theory
Eisenstadt
Parsons
Talcott Parsons and his students Robert Bellah and Niklas Luhmann, inherited from Durkheim the functionalist approach to religion.

Sociological phenomenologists.
Peter Berger and Thomas Luckmann, who were both students of Alfred Schutz, were sociological phenomenologists.

dialectical theory of secularization
Bryan Wilson, David Martin, and Richard Fenn, while not belonging to a clearly identifiable school, 

Goertzel, T. (1972). Generational Conflict and Social Change. Youth & Society, 3(3), 327-352. doi: 10.1177/0044118x7200300304

Goldstein, W. S. (2009). Secularization Patterns in the Old Paradigm. Sociology of Religion, 70(2), 157-178.


Davie, G. 1994 Religion in Britain Since 1945: Believing Without Belonging, Oxford: Blackwell

Lambert, Y. 2004 ‘A Turning Point in Religious Evolution in Europe’, Journal of Contemporary Religion 19(1): 29–45.

Voas, D. and Crockett, A. 2005 ‘Religion in Britain: Neither Believing Nor Belonging’, Sociology 39(1): 11–28.

Friday, August 03, 2018

boomer, religion, spirituality

shift in spirituality, from dwelling to seeking
A spirituality of dwelling emphasizes habitation: God occupies a definite place in the universe and creates a sacred space in which humans too can dwell; to inhabit sacred space is to know its territory
and to feel secure.
A spirituality of seeking emphasizes negotiation: individuals search for sacred moments that reinforce their conviction that the divine exist, but these moments are fleeting; rather than knowing the territory, people explore new spiritual vistas, and they may have to negotiate among complex and confusing meanings of spirituality.

Ultimately, Wuthnow finds limitations in both "dwelling" and "seeking" spiritualities. He concludes by focusing on "a practice-oriented spirituality" which he claims has always been part of all religious traditions. "Broadly conceived, spiritual practice is a cluster of intentional activities concerned with relating to the sacred."

Wuthnow argues that in the 1950s, a "spirituality of dwelling" centered around organized religion predominated. However, by the 1960s, a "spirituality of seeking" emerged that led persons to look beyond established religious institutions for spiritual answers. Most recently, a "spirituality of practice" has appeared. This approach centers on devotional and social disciplines that allow individuals to relate their lives to the divine in systematic and committed ways (see also Ammerman
1996). Wuthnow believes that although a spirituality of practice may contribute to the unchurching of America, he contends that it has sparked a resurgence in spiritual values and is especially well suited for today's fluid world


@Wuthnow, R. (1998). After Heaven: Spirituality in America Since the 1950s. Berkeley: University of California Press.
--------------
the Baby Boom generation is affecting a qualitative shift in the very nature of American religious life by gradually moving from unquestioned belief to a more open, questioning approach to religious
matters. This shift, moreover, is being facilitated by an expanded spiritual marketplace that encourages Baby Boomers to believe that no one single religious institution has a monopoly on religious truth.

What surfaces in his data is anincreasing wariness about organized religion. While a hefty percentage of Baby Boomers attend church, Roof finds that they no longer feel loyalty to any one  denominational tradition. Baby Boomers tend to view churches as providers of particular services and to attend as long as they feel a need for these services.

Roof notes that this qualitative shift is most evident among the more educated, middle-class  Boomers. These persons, disproportionately represented in the two categories of mainstream believers and metaphysical seekers, seem to be availing themselves more fully of the expanded spiritual marketplace.

Roof repeatedly found persons whose understanding of religion and spirituality had been influenced
by ideas they had encountered in such alternative arenas as Eastern religions, ecospirituality, feminist thought, self-help books, contemporary fascination with angels, or literature dealing with paranormal phenomena such as near death experiences.

This expanded spiritual marketplace has, moreover, been affecting the nature of personal religion for churched and unchurched alike. Thus, even among church members, traditional beliefs are being redefined. Traditional theism is imperceptibly giving way to more pantheistic theologies. There is a general "turning inward" of thoughts about the nature of authentic spirituality, further eroding loyalty to specific doctrinal or institutional traditions. The spiritual marketplace has, on the one hand, hastened the spread of both pluralism and a certain sense of the relativity of religious truth. Yet, and perhaps more important, it has also provided resources for "provisional approximations" of truth that appear perfectly attuned to Baby Boomers' spiritual needs.

Roof's assessment of the qualitative shift toward a more open, questioning style of spirituality among educated Baby Boomers is compelling. His thesis that the boundaries separating churched and unchurched American religion have become more permeable raises a variety of questions that will surely occupy our attention in the years ahead.

@Roof, W. C. (2001). Spiritual Marketplace: Baby Boomers and the Remaking of American Religion: Princeton University Press.

Mannheim sought to describe three elements making up a generation:
(1) a shared temporal location (i.e. generational site or birth cohort),
(2) shared historical location (i.e. generation as actuality- exposure to a common period or
era),
(3) a shared socio-cultural location (i.e. generational consciousness or `entelechy')

Thursday, August 02, 2018

Xer, generation X, Religion, spirituality

Flory, R., & Miller, D. (Eds.). (2000). GenX Religion. New York: Routledge.

During their formative years (adolescence and early adulthood), Xers experiences rootlessness (highly mobile family, high divorce rate among parents), diminishing economic and career opportunities, digital technology, multiculturalism, (Flory & Miller, 2000)
Generation X is seeking love rather than salvation; spiritual seeking is rooted in community, rather than personal quest (boomers); prefer race/ethnic/gender inclusive religion (Flory & Miller, 2000). Xers religion emphasizes the sensual and experiential, combining the sacred and the profane, incorporate text, image, music, dance, and the body as venues for the expression of religious beliefs; Xers religion is entrepreneurial in finding cultural and institutional space to create new religious expressions based on their existing lifestyle interests. Xers religion emphasizes personal identity, religious experience, spiritual seeking; but Xers roots the quest for religious identity in community (rather than boomer’s personal spiritual request); race, ethnic, gender diversity and inclusiveness is an explicit goal of Xer religion. Experiential religion (experiential and participatory dimension over the more passive, rationalistic, or propositional form of previous generations); create individual identity in the religious community (boomer purely personal religious quest, Roof, 1993, 1999), identity in religious community; race-, ethnic-, gender-inclusive religion; Flory and Miller contend that Generation X religion emphasizes sensual and expressive aspects of religious beliefs more so than other generations; Gen X religion is creative in their attempts to locate opportunities to exercise their lifestyle interests.; feelings, young people need each other, subtle and individual spirituality toward nature, community, voluntary acts of service, mysticism; not attend traditional mainline churches, medium that communicates messages change radically; seeking meaning and purpose; avoid inauthentic attempts to mediate the sacred, loneliness in their childhood, seek love and relationships, visual self-expression; postmodernism, reject unified or universal reality, absolute truth; quality of communal practice and experience of the faith; religious pluralism; no dogma/no doctrine; religion is a feeling sometimes expressed as a relationship; religious dabblers; not being saved, but being loved; warmth and feeling of community; quality of community, genuinely care for one another; need for group cohesion and belonging; music, art as medium, worship is multisensory; breaking down traditional dichotomies between the sacred and profane, seek encounters with mystical, transcendent realities;  (Flory & Miller, 2000)
***

Philip Rieff ---- the therapeutic impulse of the boomer generation, which is that these folks were substituting hedonism and material wealth for salvation

generation, books finished, August, 2018

Bruce, S. (2011). Secularization: In Defence of an Unfashionable Theory. New York: Oxford University Press.

Flory, R., & Miller, D. (Eds.). (2000). GenX Religion. New York: Routledge.

Heelas, P., and Woodhead, L. (2005). The Spiritual Revolution: Why Religion is Giving Way to Spirituality. Oxford: Blackwell

Roof, W. C. (2001). Spiritual Marketplace: Baby Boomers and the Remaking of American Religion: Princeton University Press.

Wuthnow, R. (1998). After Heaven: Spirituality in America Since the 1950s. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Faith Maturity Scale.

Piedmont, R. L., & Nelson, R. (2001). A psychometric evaluation of the
short form of the Faith Maturity Scale. Research in the Social Scientific
Study of Religion, 12, 165–183.
Kapuscinski, A. N., & Masters, K. S. (2010). The current status of measures
of spirituality: A critical review of scale development. Psychology
of Religion and Spirituality, 2, 191–205. doi:10.1037/a0020498
Benson, P. L., Donahue, M. J., & Erickson, J. A. (1993). The Faith
Maturity Scale: Conceptualization, measurement, and empirical validation.
Research in the Social Scientific Study of Religion, 5, 1–26.

Baylor Religion Survey

In 2005 a research team at Baylor University’s Sociology Department, along with the Institute for Studies of Religion, secured funding from the John Templeton Foundation to conduct two national surveys of American religious beliefs, values, and behaviors. In 2009 Baylor University began funding additional waves. The Baylor Religion Surveys currently have five waves, conducted in 2005, 2007, 2010, 2013, and 2017.

https://www.baylor.edu/baylorreligionsurvey/

American Piety 2005: Content and Methods of the Baylor Religion Survey
CHRISTOPHER D. BADER
F. CARSON MENCKEN
PAUL FROESE
Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion (2007) 46(4):447–463

Wednesday, August 01, 2018

Habits of the Heart, Robert Bellah

In 1985, Robert Bellah explored the tension between the rise of religious individualism
and religious communalism in Habits of the Heart

Bellah’s widely recognized description of the development of religious individualism supports a more subjective, voluntaristic ideological position of this cohort. Bellah did not use the phrase “spiritual but not religious,” but it describes much of the individualism expressed at the time (Bellah, Madsen, Sullivan, Swidler, and Tipton).

Habits of the Heart, Robert Bellah and his colleagues (1985) introduced readers
to a young nurse named Sheila Larson, whose self-styled brand of spirituality -what she termed Sheilaism -- has since become a symbol of today's highly individualistic search for meaning.

Robert N. Bellah (1985) and his associates on individualism and commitment in American life. Sheila personifies the religious individualism, or privatism, so deeply embedded in American culture

"Sheilaism," in its many individualistic, privatistic, and voluntaristic forms, is widely prevalent in contemporary America. Sheila's kind are found both inside and outside organized religion, among those with no religious affiliation, as well as among those who claim to be deeply spiritual such as some in the New Age movement

Privatism can be interpreted with various religious meanings, but we look upon it here in the same way as is implied by Sheilaism - as a highly subjective, deeply personal form of religion



Tuesday, July 31, 2018

Iannaccone, Laurence R. 1994. “Why Strict Churches Are Strong.” American Journal of
Sociology 99:1180–211.

Iannaccone, Laurence R., Daniel V. A. Olson, and Rodney Stark. 1995. “Religious Resources
and Church Growth.” Social Forces 74: 705–31.

Monday, July 30, 2018

nature, spirituality

ToddW. Ferguson* and Jeffrey A. Tamburello
The Natural Environment as a Spiritual Resource: A Theory of Regional Variation in
Religious Adherence
Sociology of Religion 2015, 0:0 1-20
doi:10.1093/socrel/srv029

Many individuals report connecting to the sacred through nature (Ammerman 2013; Bratton 2008; Crosby 2002; Fuller 2001; Mercadante 2014).

Durkheim (1995:44), who thought of religion as a property of the collective group with a “unified system of beliefs,” and a single moral community called a Church

new earth-centric religious movements (Taylor 2001a, 2001b)

Bratton, Susan P. 2008. “Ecology and Religion.” In The Oxford Handbook of Religion and
Science, edited by P. Clayton, 207–225. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Twenge, J. M., Sherman, R. A., & Wells, B. E. (2016). Changes in
American Adults’ reported same-sex sexual experiences and attitudes,
1973–2014. Archives of Sexual Behavior, 45, 1713–1730.
doi:10.1007/s10508-016-0769-4
In the course of a lifetime: Tracing religious belief, practice, and change
by Michele Dillon and Paul Wink.
Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2007.

Sunday, July 29, 2018

Schwartz’s (1994, 1997) values model

10 universal values that are organized into a system of four types of higher-order values:

1.openness to change (self-direction, stimulation): Openness to change values relate to the
importance of personal autonomy and independence, variety, excitement, and challenge.

2. conservation (conformity, security, tradition): Conservation values relate to the importance of self-control, safety, and stability in societal and personal relationships, and to respecting cultural traditions.

3. self-enhancement (achievement, hedonism, power): Self-enhancement values relate to achieving personal success through demonstrated competence, attaining social status and prestige, and control over others.

4. self-transcendence (benevolence, universalism).  Self-transcendence values relate to protecting and enhancing the well-being of those with whom one has close contact, as well as the welfare of
all people and nature.

Inglehart, R. 1997. Modernization and Postmodernization: Cultural, Economic, and Political Change in 43 Societies. Princeton University Press, Princeton, NJ.

Meglino, B. M., E. C. Ravlin. 1998. Individual values in organizations: Concepts, controversies, and research. J. Management 24 351–389.

Pan, Z., S. H. Chaffee, G. C. Chu, Y. Ju. 1994. To See Ourselves: Comparing Traditional Chinese and American Cultural Values. Westview Press, Boulder, CO

Ralston, D. A., D. A. Holt, R. H. Terpstra, K. C. Yu. 1997. The impact of national culture and economic ideology on managerial work values: A study of the United States, Russia, Japan, and China. J. Internat. Bus. Stud. 28 177–208.

Schwartz, S. H. 1994. Are there universals in the content and structure of values? J. Soc. Issues 50 19–45.

Schwartz, S. H. 1997. Values and culture. D. Munro, S. Carr, J. F. Schumaker, eds. Motivation and Culture. Routledge, New York, 69–84.

Schwartz, S. H., M. Ros. 1995. Values in the west: A theoretical and empirical challenge of the individualism-collectivism cultural dimension. World Psych. 1(2) 91–122

Schwartz, S. H., G. Sagie. 2000. Value consensus and importance: A cross-national study. J. Cross-Cultural Psych. 31 465–497.

Xing, F. 1995. The Chinese cultural system: Implications for crosscultural management. SAM Advanced Management J. 60 14–20.

Lubinski, D., D. B. Schmidt, C. P. Benbow. 1996. A 20-year stability analysis of the study of values for intellectually gifted individuals from adolescence to adulthood. J. Appl. Psych. 31 443–452.

Sears, D. O. 1981. Life-stage effects on attitude change, especially among the elderly. S. B. Kiesler, J. N. Morgan, V. R. Oppenheimer, eds. Aging: Social Change. Academic Press, New York,
183–204

Schwartz and Ros 1995

Schwartz and Sagie 2000.

Inglehart

Inglehart’s (1997) theory of intergenerational values
change is based on two hypotheses: the socialization
hypothesis and the scarcity hypothesis. The socialization
hypothesis proposes that adults’ basic values reflect the
socioeconomic conditions of one’s childhood and adolescence.
Longitudinal research has shown that this value
orientation remains relatively stable throughout one’s
lifetime (Inglehart 1997, Lubinski et al. 1996, Meglino
and Ravlin 1998, Sears 1981). Although societal conditions
can change the relative importance a generation
attributes to various personal values, these are only temporary
shifts with generations’ value orientations returning
to previous levels once stability is regained (Inglehart
1997).

Inglehart’s scarcity hypothesis proposes that the greatest
subjective value is placed on those socioeconomic
environmental aspects that are in short supply during a
generation’s youth. Thus, generations growing up during
periods of socioeconomic and physical insecurity (e.g.,
social upheaval, war, economic distress) learn modernist
survival values (e.g., economic determinism, rationality,
materialism, conformity, and respect for authority).
Alternatively, generations growing up during periods of
socioeconomic security learn postmodernist values (e.g.,
egalitarianism, individualism, interpersonal trust, tolerance
of diversity, self-transcendence).
Weber, Max. 1963 [1922]. The Sociology of Religion. Boston: Beacon Press
Heelas, Paul. 2006. “Challenging Secularization Theory: The Growth of ‘New Age’
Spiritualities of Life.” Hedgehog Review 8:46–58
Elder, G. (1974). Children of the Great Depression. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Elder, G. H. (1986). Military times and turning points in men's lives. Developmental Psychology, 22, 233-245

Saturday, July 28, 2018

The disenchantment of the world is the process whereby magic and spiritual mystery is driven from the world, nature is managed and rather than enchanted, the spiritual loses social significance, and institutions and laws do not depend on religion for their legitimation.
Some Trends in European Sociology of Religion: The Secularization Debate
Karel Dobbelaere
Sociological Analysis, Vol. 48, No. 2 (Summer, 1987), pp. 107-137

secularization, Weber, Durkheim

Weber

  • BERGER: disenchantment of the world and rationalization 
  • The disenchantment of the world, which Protestantism produced



Durkheim

  • Durkheimian approach rather reject the process of secularization
Luckmann, who combines both lines of analysis (Weber + Durkheim)

Friday, July 27, 2018

marx, religion

man made religion, not religion that made man
religion is the opium of the people
religion is the sigh of a creature oppressed by misfortune
religion is the form of alienation par excellence
denounce religion as an illusion
religion and oppression
many bourgeois interests are hidden behind religion used to oppressed proletarists


the true happiness of the people requires that religion (an illusory bliss to the people) be abolished

it is in the real interest of the people to abolish religion as an illusory happiness of the people
emancipation of man---a real critique of relgiion and alienation

McEvoy, G. M., & Cascio, W. F. (1989). Cumulative evidence of the relationship between employee age and job performance. Journal of Applied Psychology, 74, 11–17.


as individuals age through their life course, they pass through a series of developmental stages which differ in terms of personality changes, needs, and motivations (see Erikson, 1950; Levinson, Darrow, Klein, Levinson, & McKee, 1978).

Levinson, D. J., Darrow, C. N., Klein, E. B., Levinson, M. H., & McKee, B. (1978). The season’s of a man’s life. New York: Alfred A. Knopf

Erikson, E. H. (1950). Childhood and society. New York: Norton

Empirical research has supported the idea that as individuals age and progress through work roles, they often undergo systematic psychological changes in motivation (Filipp, 1996), emotional regulation (Carstenesen, 1998), social cognition and self-representations (Blanchard-Fields & Abeles, 1996; Frazier, Hooker, Johnson, & Kaus, 2000), self-expectations and self-efficacies (Salthouse & Maurer, 1996), and coping and adaptation patterns (Ruth & Coleman, 1996).

Filipp, S. H. (1996). Motivation and emotion. In J. E. Birren, & K.W. Schaie (Eds.), Handbook of the psychology of aging (4th ed., pp. 218–235). San Diego: Academic Press.

Carstenesen, L. L. (1998). A life-span approach to social motivation. In J. Heckhausen, & C. S. Dwech (Eds.), Motivation and self-regulation across the life span (pp. 341–364). New York: Cambridge University Press.

Blanchard-Fields, F., & Abeles, R. P. (1996). Social cognition and aging. In J. E. Birren, & K. W. Schaie (Eds.), Handbook of the psychology of aging (4th ed., pp. 150–161). San Diego: Academic Press

Frazier, L. D., Hooker, K., Johnson, P. M., & Kaus, C. R. (2000). Continuity and change in possible selves in later life: A 5-year longitudinal study. Basic and Applied Social Psychology, 22, 237–243.

Kanfer and Ackerman (2004) position work motivation within a life-span context, suggesting that older individuals tend to be more contextually motivated— focused more on the aspects of the job related to helping and belonging—while younger individuals are more achievement oriented, focused more on task accomplishment.
Kanfer, R., & Ackerman, P. L. (2004). Aging, adult development and work motivation. Academy of Management Review, 29, 440–458.

Levinson et al. (1978), who noted that a primary developmental task of late adulthood involves finding a new balance between society and the self, whereas young adulthood is more focused on various strivings that help form one’s life structure, including those toward occupational achievement.
Levinson, D. J., Darrow, C. N., Klein, E. B., Levinson, M. H., & McKee, B. (1978). The season’s of a man’s life. New York: Alfred A. Knopf.

age-related differences in volunteer motivation have consistently been found (e.g., Miller, Powell,&Seltzer, 1990).
Miller, L. E., Powell, G. N., & Seltzer, J. (1990). Determinants of turnover among volunteers. Human Relations, 43, 901–917.

For instance, in a study of Red Cross volunteers, Frisch and Gerrard (1981) found that younger
volunteers tended to be motivated less by altruistic considerations than older volunteers, who tend to be more motivated by service or community obligation concerns (Omoto, Snyder, & Martino, 2000).
Frisch, M. B.,&Gerrard, M. (1981). Natural helping systems: A survey of Red Cross volunteers. American Journal of Community Psychology, 9, 567–579.

Omoto, A. M., & Snyder, M. (1995). Sustained helping without obligation: Motivation, longevity of service, and perceived attitude change among AIDS volunteers. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 68, 671–686

Similarly, Tschirhart (1998) found that older volunteers place more importance on helping others than
do younger volunteers, who tend to be more motivated toward developing and using skills, knowledge, and abilities
Tschirhart, M. (1998). Understanding the older stipended volunteer. Public Productivity and Management Review, 22, 35–48.
Joshi, A., Dencker, J. C., Franz, G., & Martocchio, J. J. (2010). Unpacking generational identities
in organization. Academy of Management Review, 35, 392–414

Thursday, July 26, 2018

Duncan, C., & Loretto, W. (2004). Never the right age? Gender and age-based discrimination in
employment. Gender, Work & Organization, 11, 95–115.
Chiu, W. C. K., Chan, A. W., Snape, E., & Redman, T. (2001). Age stereotypes and discriminatory
attitudes towards older workers: An east-west comparison. Human Relations, 54,
629–661.

Post-secular

Habermas, Jurgen
2008. “Notes on a Post-Secular Society.” New Perspectives Quarterly 25:4.

http://kenan.ethics.duke.edu/religion/files/2017/04/Habermas-Notes-on-Post-Secular-Society.pdf

Dillon, 2010
Can Post-Secular Society Tolerate Religious Differences
Sociology of Religion 2010, 71(2): 139-156
doi:10.1093/socrel/srq024
Tweed, R. G., & Lehman, D. R. (2002). Learning considered within a cultural context: Confucian and Socratic approaches. American Psychologist, 57(2), 89-99.
Marty, M. 1993. Where the energies go. Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 553:11–26.

Roof,W. C. 1999. Spiritual marketplace: Baby boomers and the remaking of American religion. Princeton, NJ: Princeton
University Press

Wuthnow, R. 1998. After heaven: Spirituality in America since the 1950s. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.

Hout, M. and C. Fischer. 2002. Explaining the rise of Americans with no religious preference: Politic and generations. American Sociological Review 67:165–90.

Smith, T. 2002. Religious diversity in America. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 4:577–85.

Putnam, R. 2000. Bowling alone: The collapse and revival of American community. New York: Simon and Schuster.

Bellah, R., R. Madsen, W. Sullivan, A. Swidler, and S. Tipton. 1985. Habits of the heart: Individualism and commitment in American life. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.

Rieff, P. 1966. The triumph of the therapeutic: Uses of faith after Freud. New York: Harper & Row.


the lonely crowd

David Riesman, 1950, The Lonely Crowd:  A Study of the Changing American Character Type
Riesman, D. (1950). The lonely crowd. New Haven: Yale University Press.

type of social character; social personality

observable behavior of individuals as they related to society in its various stages of economic
development

American middle class. The culture of the working class is ignored
even though he is dealing with a nineteenth century society that was largely agricultural, he limits his attention almost entirely to urban life

Reisman recounted the work habits, the political style, and even the child-rearing habits of each of his "types."

the historical transition from the "inner-directed" to the "other-directed" personality

"the way in which one kind of social character, which dominated America in the nineteenth century is gradually replaced by a social character of quite a different sort

Riesman sees Americans of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries differing to the degree they are
dominated by inner- or other-direction

a change through time in the American character.The inner-directed personality dominated the nineteenth century and the other-directed has increasingly dominated the twentieth.

lament for the decline of the firm moral commitments and unyielding idealism of the inner-directed
character type.

the nuclear family is seen as having lost ground as the prime agency of socialization to nursery and primary schools, to schools of all kinds in later childhood and adolescence, to mass media beamed directly into the home, and most of all, to the peer group of the child's age-mates, increasingly encountered at an ever earlier age in the organized settings of play groups, schools, and summer camps.--these changes were at least in part the effects of more distant and impersonal social forces--large-scale "structural trends,"

Three different forms of sanctions for deviant behaviour correspond to Riesman’s three types of societies and characters: shame for the tradition directed, guilt for the inner directed and anxiety for the other-directed. Coercion and communal pressures of shame ensure conformity in traditional societies. Internalized guilt keeps the inner direction character in line with social expectations.
The need to be “liked” and a diffuse anxiety is the “prime psychological lever” operating on the “other-directed person” living in a society dominated by media messages and the constant pressures for conformity enforced by the inescapable pressure of “a jury of his peers.

throughout the book Mr. Riesman professes to make no moral judgment as between the inner-directed
and the other-directed.

1. tradition-directed type

  • the primitive socially based individual
  • a person guided and channeled in his activities and thought by his society; simply because things have always been done in a given way they should still be performed that way
  • Tradition-directed man has played little part in America because the colonies were settled only after the emergence of the inner-directed man.
  • in the tradition-directed home,  the child "propitiates" its parents
  • Human beings with “tradition directed” characters live in societies with a low level of individualism and strong ties to primary groups. Society is held together by belief systems based on religion, magic and tradition. The conformity of an individual to a social role, “tends to reflect his membership in a particular age-grade, clan, or caste” and he “learns to understand and appreciate patterns which have endured for centuries,” . The tradition directed character has, for Riesman, all but disappeared in modern American society,
  • The tradition-directed, unaware of the possibility of choice, conforms unquestioningly to well-established routines and attitudes
  • a social character whose conformity is insured by their tendency to follow tradition, tradition-directed people
  • the society in which they live-- a society dependent on tradition-direction

During the era of the Renaissance and Reformation, he writes, there was a transition from the tradition-directed man to the inner-directed



2. the "inner-directed" man 

  • the nineteenth century person who had a clear personal moral code and fixed objectives that he pursued
  • In the nineteenth century, the ruling social character of people was inner direction
  • self-reliant, self-confidence, clear about his goals and objects in life. 
  • innerdirected person of the nineteenth century pursued clear acquisition and consumption goals with a fierce individualism
  • Seventeenth-century Puritans are the classic examples of inner-directed persons
  • outwardly energetic, tough-minded, self-determined, yet inwardly concerned with moral renovation
  • was concerned with production
  • The "inner-directed" person follows his moral gyroscope in the pursuit of goals which he perceives as valuable because his inner voice tells him they are.
  • rationalism and individualism which characterize Riesman's "inner-directed" type 
  • The inner-directed character is guided by standards internalized in early childhood, by generalized values and ideals
  • a built-in psychological gyroscope that orients the inner-directed character
  • Social conformity is ensured for “inner directed” social characters by “a tendency to acquire early in life an internalized set of goals” (Riesman [1950] 1961: 8) and a “psychological gyroscope.” As Riesman describes this process, “the source of direction for the individual is “inner” in the sense that it is implanted early in life by the elders and directed toward generalized but nonetheless inescapably destined goals” (Riesman [1950] 1961:15). Set in early life, the gyroscope keeps the person “on course” and “capable of maintaining a delicate balance between demands upon him of his life goals and the buffetings of his external environment” (Riesman [1950] 1961:16)
  • The inner-directed thinks of himself as the master of his fate. He does not reject the principle of authority, but has been taught to create within himself its mechanism. There has been built into him, in Mr. Riesman's phrase, a gyroscope, which enables him, while preserving his inescapable destiny of choice, to maintain the balance between self-aggrandizement and social morality.
  • The inner-directed is typically a producer
  • The inner-directed uses politics to achieve his goals. One remnant of the inner-directed, seeing politics captured by manipulators, have lost their sense of effectiveness and are in danger of becoming Fascist totalitarians. A few are still optimistic (League of Women Voters, Readers of the Herald Tribune, Americans for Democratic Action). A transitional stage is the inside dopester, pleased with his knowledge of things political and his access to the fixers, but without conviction.
  • a social character whose conformity is insured by their tendency to acquire early in life an internalized set of goals
  • inner-directed people; the society in which they live is a society dependent on inner-direction

  • They tend to feel, throughout life that their characters are something to be worked on
  • Because they derive the justification for their actions from within themselves (hence the term inner-directed), loneliness and even persecution are not thought of as the worst of fates.
  • Parents, sometimes even teachers may have crushing moral authority, but the peer-group has less moral weight, glamorous or menacing though it may be.
  • the inner-directed p personality is individualistic and self-reliant
  • decisive, ruthless, brusque, self-confident
  • more concerned with production than consumption, more with things than with people.
  • It was the product itself that commanded attention
  • The economy of the nineteenth century was "quite loose-jointed and impersonal and perhaps seemed even more impersonal than it actually was
  • It was the involvement with things, instead of people, which underlay the pervasive impersonality of the nineteenth century
  • business firms until World War I, needed only three kinds of professional advice: legal, auditing, and engineering. --- impersonal services
  • The inner-directed person of the nineteenth century was job-minded and clear about his goals
  • because his standards were internal, failure for the inner-directed man was possible without feelings of total inadequacy--trying again and again
  • Work was hard, important and different from play
  • The inner-directed businessman was not expected to have fun; indeed, it was proper for him to be gloomy and even grim; literature and other forms of entertainment were escapes from work and problems
  • in the inner-directed home, the child fights or succumbs to parents
  • school instructions emphasize intellectual activities and there was little emotional involvement for teacher or pupil.
  • The teacher is supposed to see that the children learn a curriculum, not that they enjoy it or learn group cooperation. 
  • As befits a society bent upon production,  the whole emphasis is on accomplishment and not on "internal group relations," or morale
  • Men were not under constant public scrutiny then as they are today and consequently they could be more themselves
  • The inner-directed person reading a book alone, is less aware of the others looking on;   moreover he has time to return at his own pace from being transported by his reading-to return and put on whatever mask he cares to.
3. the "other-directed" man 

  • who looks to others for clues on how to live, especially on how to consume and spend his leisure
  • the other-directed man cannot escape and so he uses popular culture for group adjustment
  • in the other-directed home, a child manipulates his parents and is in turn manipulated
  • self-restraint placed on the exercise of power
  • oriented toward the consumer
  • boom in advertising
  • The "other directed person" chooses a given way of acting because he is anxious to receive the approval of others
  • other-directed character is more sensitive to the immediate social setting than to the echoes in his or her head of parental injunctions long ago. 
  • The other directed person is both more attuned to and more tolerant of the feelings, wishes, and expectations of other people encountered in the diverse situations of daily life. 
  • Riesman used the metaphor of a radar screen scanning the surrounding environment to describe the other-directed person who adapts his or her responses to signals from the existing social situation.
  • “Other directed” individuals are not tied to either tradition or an internalized gryoscope. Conformity instead is ensured by people’s “tendency to be sensitized to the expectations and preferences of others” (Riesman [1950] 1961: 8) and a “radar” that clues the individual into the signals of contemporaries “known to him or those with whom he is indirectly acquainted, through friends and through the mass media” (Riesman [1950] 1961: 21
  • The rise of big bureaucracies employing an increasing proportion of the labor force in white-collar jobs, technical advances bringing about a shift from the production of material goods to the provision of services, the concentration of the population in urban and metropolitan areas spreading beyond established city boundaries--these are the major trends Riesman associated with the rise of the other-directed character and other-directed values in various areas of our culture including politics, the mass media, children's books, and consumption habits.\
  • relating of changes at the level of everyday life (in personal and family relations, school and work routines, and leisure pursuits) to the larger, vaster economic and demographic transformations of advanced capitalism; the linkage between "micro-" and "macro-levels" of social reality 
  • other-direction had its virtues--tolerance,flexibility, personal warmth
  • The other-directed person prefers love to glory," in Riesman's words, as well as cooperation to competition; his or her outlook is clearly more group centered than individualistic, while tolerant of deviance and cultural variation
  • The other-directed person prefers love to glory," in Riesman's
  • words, as well as cooperation to competition; his or her outlook is
  • clearly more group centered than individualistic, while tolerant of deviance and cultural variation
  • other-direction quickly became identified with the imputed mindless conformity and gullibility of "mass man," with hypocritical-if unconscious--pretensions to sincerity and intimacy in even the most casual of personal relations, with a chameleonlike adaptability to any company one was presently keeping, suggesting an inner emptiness and lack of true convictions.
  • a concern for “niceness,” not achievement, leisure not competition and “consumerism” not production.
  • complete and ultimate political apathy of the other-directed.
  • Modern parents and teachers are anxiety ridden as their authority over children and students has been undermined by the media, youth culture and a rapid social change that creates a situation where the “other-directed child is often more knowing than his parents.”
  • schools in an other directed society will teach getting along more than getting smart and educated, manipulation comes to dominate parent/child relations as well as the work environment, and consumerism enforced by peer pressure dominates culture, leisure activities and popular narratives. 
  • The media and eventually higher education and politics will suffer from what Riesman called “false personalization” where the boundaries between the personal and political become blurred and inauthentic emotions dominate public life
  • The other-directed, the emerging man, already here in large numbers, particularly among the upper middle classes, is constantly anxious for the good opinion of his "peer-group." The inner-directed is typically a producer; the other-directed is typically a consumer. We are becoming a nation of consumers. Taste is our byword
  • a social character whose conformity is insured by their tendency to be sensitized to the expectations and preferences of others; other-directed people, the society in which they live is dependent on other-direction  

Wednesday, July 25, 2018

greening of America

Reich, C. (1970). The Greening of America: How the youth revolution is trying to make America livable. New York: Random House.

stages in the development of American consciousness

Green refers to human beings, not just to nature; Human retain the power of change and growth, and we must use this power to the utmost in order to free ourselves

Consciousness I, the culture of 19th century agri-cultural America

  • the world-view of the highly individualistic and moralistic entrepreneur
  • Men take care of their own business and government barely exist
  • laissez-faire or individualized and competitive man
  • mentality of pre-industrial America. It is the mentality of individualism, but a rugged and rather selfish, narrow individualism.
  • One segment of the American people remains at a level of consciousness that was formed when we were a land of small villages and individual opportunity; Consciousness I is unable to accept the reality of an interdependent society that requires collective responsibility
  • Herbert Spencer's and William Graham Sumner's social Darwinism: in the highly competitive struggle for existence, the survival of the strongest individuals, Matthew Josephson's "robber barons." 
  • Consciousness I means at best hard work, character, and achievement; at its worst, a pig-headed self-righteousness, greedy acquisitiveness surfacing from the psychological depths of ignorance, fear, distrust, egocentrism, and hatred. It is "prejudice, discrimination, irrationality, self-seeking, isolationism, localism, outworn traditions, and superstitions

Consciousness II, the world-view of Reich's own generation of technocrats and bureaucrats

  • the outlook of the technocratic, status-conscious organization man
  • Consciousness II is the victim of a cruel deception. It has been persuaded that the joys of life are to be found in power, success, status, acceptance, achievement, rewards, excellence, and the rational, competent mind. It wants nothing to do with dread, awe, wonder, mystery . . .
  • Consciousness II came into existence as a response to the realities of organization and technology. But it pushed these values too far; it came to believe that the individual had no existence apart from his work
  • factory work, Corporate State
  • the transition from the entrepreneur to the organization man
  • belief in the omnicompetence of planning, rationality, and reform
  • A second segment of the American people understand the realities of organization life but does not see that organization as nd their policies are, by themselves, inhuman. Consciousness II supports the Corporate State and seeks happiness in its artificial rewards, mistakenly believing that such a state is necessary and rational in this industrial age
  • Federal government can best protect us from an unregulated marketplace and a shredded safety net
  • concentration of economic and political power within a small enmeshed family of gigantic corporate and public bureaucracies --- technology, organization, efficiency, growth, progress
  • bureaucratic organization man of liberal society
  • Power, in the second half of the twentieth century, resides in organization, in technology, in the machine....
  • Corporate State," which is viewed as "an immensely powerful machine, ordered, legalistic, rational, yet utterly out of human control, wholly and perfectly indifferent to any human values.
  • What we have is technology, organization, and administration out of control, running for their own sake, but at the same time subject to manipulation and profiteering by the power interests of our society for their own nonhuman ends. And we have turned over to this system the control and direction of everything-the natural environment, our minds, our lives
  • Consciousness II characterizes the anonymous but efficient ideologist who casts off all individuality and immolates himself before a dehumanized and mechanized corporatism, efficiently bureaucratized, accountable to no one for any of its operations. At its worst, it is symbolized in Adams's blind donkey, without vision, without purpose, mind, and judgment (pp. 71-75). Policies are beyond control. No one knows what to do.
  • The enemy then is threefold: technology, organization, and administration. They have produced wars, pollution, and alienation; they must be controlled. The influence of these impersonal forces must cease
  • Reich views law as the force through which technology and the administrative state perpetuate themselves without concern for the shared, humanitarian values
  • Planning, expert direction, and national leadership are the products of and the conditions for the existence of these forces and therefore can offer no solution. Salvation will come only in the "new consciousness"-
  • The crucial fact to realize about all the powerful machinery of the Corporate State-its laws, structure, political system- is that it possesses no mind. All that is needed to bring about change is to capture its control-and they are held by nobody. It is not a case for revolution. It is a case for filling a void, for supplying a mind where none exists. No political revolution is possible in the United States right now, but no such revolution is needed
  • revolution in America is unlikely
  • optimism of social change through a "new consciousness"
  • calls for an end to the bureaucratic and administrative state that obstructs the individual in realizing a new sense of community,


Consciousness III 

  • new culture, world-view of the young
  • the consciousness of the young
  • intensely individualistic, unconcerned with material rewards, open to fresh experience, unwilling to be manipulated, loving, gentle, spontaneous, natural, and deeply distrustful of the pretensions of rationality
  • a reaction against the emotional barrenness of his own generation, over-invested in career and work and trapped in the narrow rationalistic world defined by technology
  • attempts by the young to regain the emotional wholeness and human warmth which so many of their parents have lost
  • Consciousness III rejects the whole concept of excellence and comparative merit that is so central to Consciousness II. Consciousness III starts with self . . . not egocentricity but honesty, wholeness, genuineness in all things. What the new generation has already achieved is a way of being with other people that is closer, warmer, more open, more sensitive, more capable of sharing than past generations.
  • boomer
  • the atomic individualized man, that is, to the perfection of man in post-industrial society as the undifferentiated man, who is in harmony with a pacific society
  • optimism of social change through a "new consciousness"
  • rejection of the "leader's" or the bureaucrat's right or ability to make socially significant decisions
  • disillusionment with the failure of the New Deal experiments and his dissatisfaction with the post World War II application of "scientific" and "bureaucratic" planning
  • This "new consciousness" is both the solution and means to human survival.
  • Conversion to the new consciousness does not result from dissatisfaction but from the adoption of a nonmaterial set of values
  • The existence of the new state of consciousness is manifested by the manner of dress, in clothes that are functional (with no distinction of wealth or status) and that express sensuality, freedom, and wholeness of self; by a new music, which is a multimedia experience and thus a part of a total environment; and by the use of drugs, which causes a concentration on what is immediately present and thus creates a new awareness and sensitivity.
  • so the way to destroy the power of the Corporate State is to live differently now. The plan, the program, the grand strategy, is this: resist the State, when you must; avoid it, when you can; but listen to music, dance, seek out nature, laugh, be happy, be beautiful, help others whenever you can, work for them as best you can, take them in, the old and the bitter as well as the young, live fully in each moment, love and cherish each other, love and cherish yourselves, stay together.
  • "simply living one's own life according to one's own needs,
  • reject planning in favor of a new consciousness infused with the shared values of freedom and dignity.
  • Reich does not define Consciousness III strictly,

This war photographer uses toys to tell child survivors’ stories

Tuesday, July 24, 2018

台大醫院網路掛號

非當日: 每日凌晨00:00起, 提供24小時服務, 可預約2週內門診; 預約掛號日期為次日起兩週內,每日凌晨00:00起提供24小時服務,可預約兩周內門診

當日:
上午--- 08​:30~10:30
下午--- 08:30~15:00

Jackson Bird gets to be the transgender role model he needed as a kid

This new and 'old' artist offers a self-portrait in starting over

Finding my way without role models gave me room to be

Iran pays kidney donors. Should the U.S. follow?

Sunday, July 22, 2018

The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism
Book by Max Weber

Saturday, July 21, 2018

BATSON, C.D., & RAYNOR-PRINCE, L. (1983). Religious orientation and complexity of
thought about existential concerns. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, 22, 3850.

ELKINS, D.N., HEDSTROM, L.J., HUGHES, L.L., LEAF, J.A., & SAUNDERS, C. (1988). Toward
phenomenological spirituality: Definition, description, and measurement. Journal of
Humanistic Psychology, 28 (4), 518.

ELLISON, C.W. (1983). Spiritual well-being: Conceptualization and measurement. Journal
of Psychology and Theology, 11, 330340.

GREER, B.A., & ROOF, W.C. (1992). Desperately Seeking Sheila: Locating religious
privatism in American society. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, 31, 346352.

HELMINIAK, D.A. (1996). A scientific spirituality: The interface of psychology and theology.
The International Journal for the Psychology of Religion, 6, 119.

LOVEKIN, A., & MALONY, H.N. (1977). Religious glossalia: A longitudinal study of person
ality changes. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, 16, 383393.

PARGAMENT, K.I. (1992). Of means and ends: Religion and the search for significance
International Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, 2, 201229.

PARGAMENT, K.I. (1999). The psychology of religion and spirituality? Yes and no. Interna
tional Journal for the Psychology of Religion, 9, 316.

STARK, R. (1984). Religion and conformity: Reaffirming a sociology of religion. Sociological
Analysis, 45, 273282.

STARK, R., & BAINBRIDGE, W.S. (1980). Networks of faith: Interpersonal bonds and
recruitment to cults and sects. American Journal of Sociology, 85, 13761395
spirituality, religion

The Psychology of Religion, Fourth Edition: An Empirical Approach
By Ralph W. Hood, Jr., Peter C. Hill, Bernard Spilka


ELKIND, D. (1964). Piaget semi-clinical interview and the study of spontaneous religion.
Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, 4, 4046.

FOWLER, J.W. (1981). Stages of faith: The psychology of human development and the quest for
meaning. San Francisco: Harper & Row

GOLDMAN, R. (1964). Religious thinking from childhood to adolescence. New York: Seabury Press

OSER, F.K., & SCARLETT, W.G. (Eds.) (1991). Religious development in childhood and adolescence (New Directions for Child development, No. 52) San Francisco: Jossey-Bass.

TAMMINEN, K. (1991). Religious development in childhood and adolescence: An empirical study. Helsinki: Suomalainen Tiedeakatemia

RIZZUTO, A.-M. (1991). Religious development: A psychoanalytic point of view. In F.K.
Oser & W.G. Scarlett (Eds.), Religious development in childhood and adolescence (New Directions
for Child Development, No. 52, pp. 47 60). San Francisco: Jossey-Bass.

SHAFRANSKE, E.P. (1996). Religious beliefs, affiliations, and practices of clinical psychologists.
In E.P. Shafranske (Ed.), Religion and the clinical practice of psychology (pp. 149162). Wash
ington, DC: American Psychological Association

Hood, Spilka, Hunsberger, & Gorsuch,(1996). The psychology of religion: An empirical approach (2nd ed.). New York: Guilford Press

Friday, July 20, 2018

secularization

Karel Dobbelaere (1981, 1985, 1987), who identifies three dimensions of secularization: laicization, religious change, and religious involvement. Laicization refers to the process of functional differentiation whereby political, educational, and other institutions gain autonomy from the religious institutions of a society. Thus, religion becomes just one institutional sphere among others. Dobbelaere's second dimension, religious change, is the process by which religious organizations undergo internal development toward conformity with the secular world. The cyclical story of secularization and revival told by Stark and Bainbridge (1985) refers largely to this dimension of secularization. Religious (dis-)involvement is Dobbelaere's third dimension of secularization and refers to the decline of religious beliefs and practices among individuals.
@Secularization and Religious Revival: Evidence from U.S. Church Attendance Rates, 1972-1986
Author(s): Mark Chaves 1989

Dobbelaere, Karel 1981 "Secularization: A multi-dimensional concept." Current Sociology 29: 1-216.

1985 "Secularization theories and sociological paradigms: A reformulation of the private- public dichotomy and the problem of societal integration." Sociological Analysis 46: 377-87.

1987 "Some trends in European sociology of religion: The secularization debate." Socio- logical Analysis 48: 107-37.


Thomas Luckmann’s (1967) book, The Invisible Religion

Thomas Luckmann’s (1967) book, The Invisible Religion. Luckmann’s theory of religious transformation highlights the important role of noninstitutional religion in late modernity. His essay begins with a critique of contemporary sociology’s habit of identifying religion with church; he goes on to offer a theory of religious transformation in recent times from institutional specialization to a more diffuse system of religious meaning. Because this
article is an attempt to articulate a concept of religion that is analytically independent
of specialized social institutions. noninstitutional religion is equivalent to private religion.
Luckmann understood his theory of religious transformation to be a theory of religious privatization,

A central argument in Thomas Luckmann’s thin book The Invisible Religion is that
religion is not the same as church. Luckmann charged contemporary sociologists of
religion with identifying religion as a concept with a uniquely Western institutional
expression of Judaism and Christianity. Furthermore, Luckmann argued that institutional
specialization itself is a unique social form of religion and that the religion
concept should be understood much more generally. ‘‘The identification of church and
religion,’’ according to Luckmann, ‘‘fits into the dominant view of sociology as the
science of social institutions—the latter term understood narrowly’’ (1967:22).
Luckmann’s own theory, by contrast, highlights the primary role of noninstitutional
religion in modern societies.

In The Invisible Religion, Luckmann has two overarching concerns, both stemming
from his goal of analytically separating religion from church. First, he offers a
definition of religion that releases it from identification with any particular social
form. Religion, for Luckmann, is not primarily a differentiated social institution.
Rather, religion is primarily a meaning system.2 This separation of religion from its
social forms opens up for empirical and theoretical inquiry the question: If religion is
a meaning system and not a social institution, what social forms has it taken? What
social relationships have mediated people’s engagement with this symbolic system?

Answering this question is Luckmann’s second concern: he offers a history, a story of
religious transformation, culminating in a theory of religious modernity

Luckmann described his theory of religious transformation as a theory of privatization. 

Luckmann’s definition of religion is a distinctly cultural one.

Luckmann’s assessment of
what religion is primarily about—what it most centrally is—is meaning. Specifically,
religion is a system of transcendent meanings; meanings that point people to a context
that transcends everyday life. Luckmann calls these meanings ‘‘symbolic universes’’:
The familiar forms of religion known to us as tribal religion, ancestor cult,
church, sect, and so forth are specific historical institutionalizations of symbolic
universes. Symbolic universes are socially objectivated systems of meaning that
refer, on the one hand, to the world of everyday life and point, on the other hand,
to a world that is experienced as transcending everyday life. (1967:43)

What religion most centrally is, then, is not an organization or a social form or a
social relationship; what religion most centrally is is a system of symbols that meets
people in the terms of their everyday life and points them to a realm of significance
that goes beyond—‘‘transcends’’—those terms. Internally, then, religion is cultural in
that religion is meaning.

In Luckmann’s definition, religion is also cultural ‘‘externally’’; that is, religion
exists in the social world in the way that culture exists in the social world. To get at
this idea, it is best to think visually. For Luckmann, culture consists of layered sets of
meanings arranged in a nested hierarchy of significance, complexity, and abstraction.

For Luckmann, religion is the topmost layer of this hierarchy of meanings that
constitutes a society’s culture. This layer is made up of meanings that transcend
everyday life; it consists of symbols such as God, Nirvana, Tao, Brahman, Allah,
Christ, and Unity Consciousness. These symbols, these meanings, Luckmann calls
‘‘the sacred cosmos’’ (1967:61).

This understanding of religion as a topmost layer of culture has a couple of
important implications.

A second implication of religion’s cultural nature is what Luckmann calls its
‘‘objectivated’’ status. As he puts it: ‘‘The sacred cosmos forms part of the objective
social reality without requiring a distinct and specialized institutional basis’’
(1967:61).

Luckmann’s characterization of contemporary religion as privatized is pivotal in
the sociology of religion; it has been picked up by just about everyone and challenged
by almost no one.5 Indeed, The Invisible Religion is often read as primarily a theory of
religion privatization, rather than more generally as a theory of religious transformation.
This excerpt, however, suggests that the diagnosis of ‘‘privatization’’ is premature,
because this diagnosis is based on an identification of public with institutional

Private religion, in this
view, is religion that is located within individual psyches, in close relationships, or in
leisure time, ‘‘leisure’’ presumably acting as a catch-all category for all social activities
that are neither economic nor political. In this view, then, what counts as public is
politics and paid work; everything else is private (e.g., Bellah et al. 1985; Tamney
1992; Berger 1967).


Thursday, July 19, 2018

Wuthnow, R. (1998a), ‘Morality, Spirituality, and Democracy’, Society, 35(3): 37–43.
Rethinking the State: Genesis and Structure of the Bureaucratic Field
Pierre Bourdieu, Loic J. D. Wacquant and Samar Farage
Sociological Theory
Vol. 12, No. 1 (Mar., 1994), pp. 1-18

Bourdieu, P. (1991), ‘Genesis and Structure of the Religious Field’, Comparative Social
Research, 13: 1–44
Hicks, D.H. (2003), Religion and the Workplace. Pluralism, Spirituality, Leadership, Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press.

spiritual capital

Defining Spiritual Growth: Congregations, Community, and Connectedness
Sally K. Gallagher, Chelsea Newton
Sociology of Religion 2009, 70:3 232-261
doi:10.1093/socrel/srp039

Zohar, D. and I. Marshall (2000), Sq: Spiritual Intelligence: The Ultimate Intelligence, London:
Bloomsbury Publishing.

Zohar, D. and I. Marshall (2004), Spiritual Capital: Wealth We Can Live By, London:
Bloomsbury

chapter 10 In Search of Spiritual Capital: The Spiritual as a Cultural Resource in Sociology of Spirituality

Becker, G.S. (1964), Human Capital: A Theoretical and Empirical Analysis, with Special
Reference to Education, New York: National Bureau of Economic Researc

Bourdieu, P. (1985), ‘The Forms of Capital’, in J. G. Richardson (ed.), Handbook Of Theory
and Research for the Sociology of Education, New York: Greenwood, pp. 241–58.

Bourdieu, P. (1991), ‘Genesis and Structure of the Religious Field’, Comparative Social
Research, 13: 1–44

Swartz, D. (1996), ‘Bridging the Study of Culture and Religion: Pierre Bourdieu’s Political
Economy of Symbolic Power’, Sociology of Religion, 57(1): 71–

Brewer, A. (1984), A Guide to Marx’s Capital, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press

Coleman, J. (2000), ‘Social Capital and the Creation of Human Capital’, in P. Dasgupta and
I. Serageldin (eds), Social Capital: Multifaceted Perspective, Washington, DC: World
Bank, pp. 13-39.

Davies, D. and M. Guest (2007), Bishops, Wives and Children: Spiritual Capital Across the
Generations, Aldershot: Ashgate.

Foley, D. (1986), Understanding Capital: Marx’s Economic Theory, Cambridge, MA; London:
Harvard University Press

Iannacone, L. (1990), ‘Religious Practice: A Human Capital Approach’, Journal for the Scientific
Study of Religion, 29(3): 297–314.

Neuman, S. (1986), ‘Religious Observance within a Human Capital Framework: Theory and
Application’, Applied Economics, 18: 1193–202.

Verter, B. (2003), ‘Spiritual Capital: Theorising Religion with Bourdieu against Bourdieu’,
Sociological Theory, 21(2): 150–74

Woolcock, M. (1998), ‘Social Capital and Economic Development: Toward a Theoretical
Synthesis and Policy Framework’, Theory and Society, 27(2): 151–208.


Wilber, K. (2001), A Theory of Everything: An Integral Vision for Business, Politics, Science
and Spirituality, Boston: Shambhala

Wednesday, July 18, 2018

for cohort replacement effects on a number
of different topics, including church attendance (Alwin & McCammon, 2003; Chaves,
1989; Firebaugh & Harley, 1991; Greeley, 1989; Hout & Greeley, 1987), religious orientations (Roof, 1999), belief in an afterlife (Greeley & Hout, 1999),


sex role beliefs and attitudes (Alwin, 2002b; Alwin, Scott, & Braun, 1996; Alwin,
2002b; Brewster & Padavic, 2000; Mason & Lu, 1988; Neve, 1992, 1995; Scott, Alwin, &
 Braun, 1996),

post-materialism values (lnglehart, 1977, 1986, 1990),

 intergenerational obligations (Bengtson & Cutler, 1976; Rossi & Rossi, 1990),

Davis has found a general trend
in the liberal direction across cohorts-a broad shift he calls the "great 'liberal' shift since
World War II".(Davis, 1992, 1996

Alwin, D. F. ( 1998b ). The political impact of the baby boom: Are there persistent generational differences in political beliefs and behavior? Generations, 22, 46-54.
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Lyons, S., Duxbury, L., & Higgins, C. (2005). An empirical assessment of generational differences in work-related values. Proceedings of the Annual Conference of the Administrative Sciences Association of Canada Human Resources Management, 26, 62–71.

Tuesday, July 17, 2018

Inglehart, R.
1981 ‘‘Post-materialism in an environment of insecurity.’’ American Political Science
Review, 75: 880–990.

Giuliano, P., and A. Spilimbergo
2009 ‘‘Growing up in a recession: Beliefs and the macroeconomy.’’ Working Paper
15321, National Bureau of Economic Research, Cambridge, MA.

Inglehart, R.
1997 Modernization and Postmodernization: Cultural, Economic, and Political Change
in 43 Societies. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.

Malmendier, U., and S. Nagel
2011 ‘‘Depression babies: Do macroeconomic experiences affect risk-taking?’’ Quarterly
Journal of Economics, 126: 373–416

Malmendier, U., G. Tate, and J. Yan
2011 ‘‘Overconfidence and early-life experiences: The impact of managerial traits on
corporate financial policies.’’ Journal of Finance, 66: 1687–1733.


Monday, July 16, 2018

race, spirituality

Halfdahl, A. R., & Gray-Little, B. (2002). Explicating methods in reviews of race and self-esteem: Reply to Twenge and Crocker (2002). Psychological Bulletin, 128(3), 409–416. doi: 10.1037=0035–2909.128.3.409

Greer, B. A., & Roof, W. C. (1992). "Desperately Seeking Sheila": Locating Religious Privatism in American Society. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, 31(3), 346-352. doi: 10.2307/1387125

Mattis, J. S., Ahluwalia, M. K., Cowie, S.-A. E., & Kirkland-Harris, A. M. (2006). Ethnicity, Culture, and Spiritual Development. In E. C. Roehlkepartain, P. E. King, L. Wagener, & P. L. Benson (Eds.), The handbook of spiritual development in childhood and adolescence (pp. 283-296). Thousand Oaks, CA, US: Sage Publications, Inc.
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Levin, Jeffrey S., Robert J. Taylor, and Linda M. Chatters. 1994. “Race and Gender
Differences in Religiosity among Older Adults: Findings from Four National Surveys.”
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Krause, Neal, and Linda M. Chatters. 2005. “Exploring Race Differences in a
Multidimensional Battery of Prayer Measures among Older Adults.” Sociology of Religion
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Krause, Neal. 2004. “Assessing the Relationships Among Prayer Expectancies, Race, and Self-
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Ellison, Christopher G., and Robert J. Taylor. 1996. “Turning to Prayer: Social and Situational
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An Investigation of the Sociological Patterns of Prayer Frequency and Content
Joseph O. Baker
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Chatters, Linda, Robert Taylor, Kai M. Bullard, and James S. Jackson. 2008. Spirituality and subjective religiosity among African Americans, Caribbean blacks, and Non-Hispanic whites. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 47(4):725–37.

Roth, P. L., Huffcutt, A. I., & Bobko, P. (2003). Ethnic group differences in measures of job performance: A new metaanalysis. Journal of Applied Psychology, 88(4), 694–705. doi:
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Cnaan, R. A., Gelles, R. J., & Sinha, J. W. (2004). Youth and Religion: The Gameboy Generation Goes to “Church”. Social Indicators Research, 68(2), 175-200. doi: 10.1023/b:soci.0000025592.60815.37

Foster, J. D., Keith Campbell, W., & Twenge, J. M. (2003). Individual differences in narcissism: Inflated self-views across the lifespan and around the world. Journal of Research in Personality, 37(6), 469-486. doi: https://doi.org/10.1016/S0092-6566(03)00026-6

Gray-Little, B., & Hafdahl, A. R. (2000). Factors influencing racial comparisons of self-esteem:
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