Sunday, April 30, 2017

collective nouns and uncountable nouns

 collective nouns and uncountable nouns are usually treated as singular.

The demonstrative these is the plural form of this. Those is the plural form of that.

Those flock of birds will be migrating soon.

That flock of birds will be migrating soon.

Those flocks of birds will be migrating soon.

These money came from an anonymous donor.

This money came from an anonymous donor.

Saturday, April 29, 2017

and comma

A compound subject consists of two or more subjects. Commas separate the subjects when there are three or more. A compound subject with only two items requires no puctuation to separate them.

Incorrect Drug screening, and a background check must be performed.
Correct Drug screening and a background check must be performed.
Correct Drug screening, a background check, and a credit report must be performed.

Incorrect Jared, and Ann will be leaving for their honeymoon.
Correct Jared and Ann will be leaving for their honeymoon.

please select all the generic disciplines you are interested in finding jobs in

Numerals instead of words

Every style guide has its own set of rules for using numerals or writing out the words. Generally, all agree that the single digit numbers from zero to nine (0 to 9) should be spelled out. Some guides recommend spelling out numbers up to twenty or larger numbers such as fifty or three hundred. Numerals are generally acceptable in dates, addresses, money, scores, percentages, fractions, pages, and decimals. Consult your style guide (such as APA, MLA, or CMOS) for rules specific to your style.

Incorrect She has 3 children.
Correct She has three children.

the USA

Definite articles are used before the name of seas, oceans, rivers, deserts, mountain ranges, gulfs, peninsulas, etc. Moreover, article the also precedes constructions such as the city of New York, the University of Oxford, the Republic of Mexico.

care for, care about

Correct Simon doesn’t care for parties. (This means Simon doesn’t like parties.)
Correct Simon doesn’t care about parties. (This means Simon doesn’t think parties are important.)

an abstract
When a sentence begins in the middle of a quotation, capitalize the first word.

“. . . the platypus is a strange animal,” said the zoologist.

“The platypus is a strange animal,” said the zoologist.

When a name such as a brand or a scientific term starts with a lower case letter, do not use the name to start a sentence.

iPhones are very popular.

The iPhone is a popular brand.

If a number starts a sentence, spell it out. Otherwise, rewrite the sentence without the number as the first word.

23 students enrolled in the class.

Twenty-three students enrolled in the class.

The class had an enrollment of 23 students.

closing punctuation

A sentence must end with a period (.), a question mark (?), or an exclamation point (!). If the sentence ends with direct speech, the end quotation mark is placed after one of these marks.

Sally said, “I am leaving for work”

Sally said, “I am leaving for work.”

Sally yelled, “I am leaving for work!”

Sally asked, “Are you leaving for work?”

suggest sb (to) V

you might suggest international students to take a look at this ...

The verb take appears to be in the subjunctive mood. Consider removing the particle to.
The subjunctive mood is relatively rare in English. One of its functions is to express a demand, request, or requirement in a subordinate clause. In this usage, the subjunctive doesn’t have a special form; it simply uses the base form of a verb, such as be, go, or see, without the particle to.

It is essential that we to be there.

It is essential that we be there.

The principal insisted Linda to go to the assembly.

The principal insisted Linda go to the assembly.

I asked that she to see the property right away.

I asked that she see the property right away.

comma(s) with interrupter

An interrupter is a word, phrase, or clause that disturbs the flow of the sentence. Interrupters should be set off with commas to signal the break in the sentence. Informally, interrupters can also be set off with dashes or parentheses.

Incorrect A bird in the hand as they say is worth two in the bush.
Correct A bird in the hand, as they say, is worth two in the bush.

Incorrect Jan on the other hand is an accomplished artist.
Correct Jan, on the other hand, is an accomplished artist.

Incorrect Tina however decided to stay home.
Correct Tina, however, decided to stay home.

Definite articles before proper name

The geographic name University of Southern California may require a definite article before it.

Definite articles are used before the name of seas, oceans, rivers, deserts, mountain ranges, gulfs, peninsulas, etc. Moreover, article the also precedes constructions such as the city of New York, the University of Oxford, the Republic of Mexico. 

Incorrect The 10 campuses of University of California open their doors to all who work hard and dream big.
The proper noun phrase University of California requires a definite article before it.

Correct The 10 campuses of the University of California open their doors to all who work hard and dream big.

Friday, April 28, 2017

Introductory clauses and long phrases

An introductory word (Unfortunately), phrase (Before the party), or clause (If you can join us) sets the stage for the sentence. Introductory clauses and long phrases must always be followed by a comma, while single words and short phrases may or may not. Use a comma when the phrase is a verbal phrase (Running away), a non-essential appositive, or an absolute phrase (The audience waiting). Also use a comma when a pause is necessary or the lack of a comma will cause confusion.

Incorrect Prior to the scandal the governor’s approval rating was high.
Correct Prior to the scandal, the governor’s approval rating was high.

Incorrect At the end of the day money is just money.
Correct At the end of the day, money is just money.

A writer may use discretion to determine whether a comma is needed. Here is an example which creates a subtle difference.

Correct Of course I am happy.
Correct Of course, I am happy.

uncountable noun

When referring to multiple instances of an uncountable noun, we do not make the noun plural. Instead, expressions are added before the noun to indicate the plural amount. These include phrases such as pieces of, a bit of, and kinds of. 

Evidence is an uncountable noun and should not be made plural

Incorrect Fred gave me three advices.
Correct Fred gave me three pieces of advice.

Incorrect The investigator found some evidences.
Correct The investigator found some shreds of evidence.

spacing with punctuation

Commas, periods, colons, semicolons, exclamation points, and question marks directly follow the word before them — without a space.
They are all followed by a single space before the next word. Parentheses and quotation marks come in pairs. The beginning mark has a space before it and no space between the mark and the following word. The end mark directly follows the word before it and has a space afterward.

Correct “No,” said Joe, “I did not take out the trash.”
Correct I can’t believe she said that, can you?
Correct Wow! That was unexpected!
Correct She asked, “What time is it?”
Correct Please purchase the following items: bread, milk, cereal, and crackers.
Correct I like school; my favorite subject is math.

capitalize the first word.

When a sentence begins in the middle of a quotation, capitalize the first word.

Incorrect “. . . the platypus is a strange animal,” said the zoologist.
Correct “The platypus is a strange animal,” said the zoologist.

When a name such as a brand or a scientific term starts with a lower case letter, do not use the name to start a sentence.

Incorrect iPhones are very popular.
Correct The iPhone is a popular brand.

If a number starts a sentence, spell it out. Otherwise, rewrite the sentence without the number as the first word.

Incorrect 23 students enrolled in the class.
Correct Twenty-three students enrolled in the class.
Correct The class had an enrollment of 23 students.

serial comma

The serial comma (also called the Oxford comma) is the last comma before coordinating conjunction and the final item in a series. Its use is considered a matter of style and is cause for much debate. Many style guides require the serial comma and a few advice against it. There are times when it must be used to avoid confusion or ambiguity. For the sake of consistency, we recommend always using the serial comma. However, consult your style guide if you are uncertain.

Depending on the context, a missing serial comma may cause ambiguity. 
Are the brothers named Adam and Jane?

Incorrect We have received RSVPs from my brothers, Adam and Jane.
Correct We have received RSVPs from my brothers, Adam, and Jane.


A hyphen is used to create compound words. Often, the two words joined by the hyphen act as an adjective that describes a noun in the sentence.

However, you don’t need a hyphen to join the word very or an adverb ending in -ly to another word (very pretty flowers, oddly dressed man).

When an age or a period of time is used as an adjective before a noun, use two hyphens (my two-year-old son), but leave the hyphens out if the noun comes first (he is two years old). Both cardinal and ordinal numbers may be part of a compound word (one-time pass, first-year student).

Incorrect Clara finished a 400 page book last week.
Correct Clara finished a 400-page book last week.

Incorrect Jake served on a nuclear powered submarine.
Correct Jake served on a nuclear-powered submarine.

Incorrect My ten year old brother loves dinosaurs.
Correct My ten-year-old brother loves dinosaurs.

big problems
great happiness

Non-collocational The primitive results indicated that the experiment was working.
Collocational The first results indicated that the experiment was working.

Non-collocational Careful planning can help you avoid a monetary disaster in your later years.
Collocational Careful planning can help you avoid a financial disaster in your later years.

compound subject

A compound subject includes two or more nouns (or pronouns, noun clauses, or noun phrases) and may be singular or plural. When the nouns are joined with the word and (an apple and a banana), the compound subject is usually plural, even if the individual nouns are singular. A plural subject requires a plural verb. On occasion, a compound subject uses two nouns to describe one singular subject (spaghetti and meatballs, my sister and best friend).

Jack and Jill wants more water.

Jack and Jill want more water.

Henry and James is coming to the picnic.

Henry and James are coming to the picnic.


The normal word order for a sentence is a subject followed by a noun.
Inversion places a verb before its subject. It is used most often in questions.
When a question word (such as what or how) is used in the middle of a statement, the subject and verb of the clause that follows is not usually inverted. Inversion can be used for special emphasis or meter, but this is done sparingly.

Dad asked what was the problem.

Dad asked what the problem was.

Excuse me, do you know what time is it?

Excuse me, do you know what time it is?

I know who is your teacher.

I know who your teacher is.

a, an, a university

an hour, an MBA, an orange, a horse, a university

All of the following examples are correct. Listen to the beginning sound of the word, abbreviation, or number that follows the indefinite article.

a horse, an hour, a HUD loan,

a historic site, an honor, an html code,

an orange, a one-horse town, a $20 bill,

a pencil, a big elephant, an egotistical person,

an MBA, a US ambassador, an iPhone,

an apple, an egg, an inexpensive car,

a unicorn, an umbrella, a used car

safe travel, a safe journey, a safe trip

a safe travel → safe travel
a safe journey
a safe trip

The indefinite article, a, may be redundant when used with the uncountable noun travel in your sentence. Consider removing it.

Uncountable nouns (such as water, sand, or information) may or may not use a determiner, but they do not use the indefinite articles a or an.

Other determiners include the definite article (the), possessive adjectives (my, his, our), possessive nouns (Joe’s, mother’s), and quantifiers (some, any).

I’d like a milk with my dinner.

I’d like milk with my dinner.

I’d like a glass of milk with my dinner.

Depending on context, a noun can be either countable or uncountable.

We need a light in this room.

We need some light in this room.

specific is often overused

The word specific is often overused. Consider using a more specific synonym to improve the sharpness of your writing.


completely is often overused

The word completely is often overused.

Consider using a more specific synonym to improve the sharpness of your writing.


can't → couldn't

The university in China told me that it can't......(dependent clause)
can't → couldn't

It appears that the verb can't in the dependent clause uses the wrong tense. Consider changing it to the past or past perfect tense.

When the main verb of a sentence is in the past tense (told), the verb in a dependent clause is usually in the past tense (when the two events happen at the same time) or in the past perfect tense (when the dependent clause action happened first).

The present tense may be used in the dependent clause if it is describing a universal truth.

I knew what she has said.

I knew what she had said.

We thought he will be happy about the news.

We thought he would be happy about the news.



Thursday, April 27, 2017

Repetitive word

I love watching movies, but going to the movie theater is very expensive. When I want to see a movie, I usually just rent one.

I love watching movies, but going to the theater is very expensive. When I want to see a film, I usually just rent one.

Gerald reads classic novels to see how they influenced the novels of today.

Gerald reads classic novels to see how they influenced the books of today.

important, very, greatly, and highly


Words such as very, greatly, and highly are meant to intensify the adjectives you use, but they often have the opposite effect. For example, calling something “very important” suggests that the writer is not confident enough to simply declare that the thing is “important” and must instead rely on a crutch word. Try to reach for stronger adjectives that can convey your meaning all by themselves.

That pizza was very tasty.
That pizza was delectable.

Marie was very sad about having to miss the dance.
Marie was grief-stricken over having to miss the dance.

I’m very tired.
I’m exhausted.


Using multiple words when one will suffice can contribute to wordiness or vagueness. Though a sentence may be grammatically correct, writing more concisely may be a better choice. Consider your reader and context to make a determination.

Vague We have discovered a number of errors.
Concise We have discovered many errors.
Concise We have discovered six errors. (precise)

in order to → to
Using the gerund (動名詞) "infringing" and the to-infinitive (不定詞) "to demand" together creates a parallelism problem in this sentence. Consider changing one of the verb forms to match the other one.

Gerunds and infinitive forms should not be mixed in a sentence. When the infinitive form (不定詞) is used, the marker "to" can be included or removed after the first use.

Incorrect My son wanted to open his presents, to play a game, and having a cake for his birthday.
Correct My son wanted to open his presents, to play a game, and to have a cake for his birthday.
Correct My son wanted to open his presents, play a game, and have a cake for his birthday.

Incorrect The itinerary included taking a train and to fly in a plane.
Correct The itinerary included taking a train and flying in a plane.

When the main verb of a sentence is in the past tense, the verb in a dependent clause is usually in the past tense (when the two events happen at the same time) or in the past perfect tense (when the dependent clause action happened first).

The present tense may be used in the dependent clause if it is describing a universal truth.

Incorrect I knew what she has said.
Correct I knew what she had said (dependent clause).

Incorrect We thought he will be happy about the news.
Correct We thought he would be happy about the news (dependent clause).

Redundant words

Words such as basically, personally, really, actually, sort of, and kind of are often considered to be “filler words” because they make sentences wordy and less forceful. They also contribute no important information. Avoiding filler words will make your writing more precise and confident.

Wordy Basically, they lost because they didn’t bother to practice.
Concise They lost because they didn’t bother to practice.

Wordy We never received any kind of letter about the deadline.
Concise We never received any letter about the deadline.

Wordy I personally wouldn’t want to watch that movie.
Concise I wouldn’t want to watch that movie.

wordy     determine their own future
concise   determine their future

consequently, adverb

as a result.

flexible workers find themselves in great demand, and consequently gain high salaries

thus, adverb

because of this or that :  therefore, hence, consequently

He worked hard and thus succeeded.
This detergent is highly concentrated and thus you will need to dilute it.

compound sentence

A compound sentence includes two independent clauses joined by a coordinating conjunction (for, and, nor, but, or, yet, so). In a compound sentence, the conjunction is in most cases preceded by a comma.
If both independent clauses are short, we can omit the comma.

Incorrect The airport is about to shut down because of the snow and if the plane doesn’t land soon, it
will have to go on to Boston.
Correct The airport is about to shut down because of the snow, and if the plane doesn’t land soon, it will have to go on to Boston.

Incorrect We love to hear from our readers so you are welcome to share your thoughts, views, and opinions in the comment section below.
Correct We love to hear from our readers, so you are welcome to share your thoughts, views, and opinions in the comment section below.

sentence is very long

the average number of words per sentence should range somewhere from eight (very easy) to twenty (somewhat difficult) words per sentence.
Sentences longer than thirty words are often very difficult to follow.

Historic, Historical

Historic is an adjective that describes something important, significant or notable in history.
Incorrect Thousands attended to hear the candidate’s historical speech.
Correct Thousands attended to hear the candidate’s historic speech.

Historical is adjective that describes something concerning history or past events. These are events of less significance than historic events. 
Incorrect Joyce wrote a report about historic traditions in her town.
Correct Joyce wrote a report about historical traditions in her town.

This, unclear antecedent

It may be unclear who or what This refers to. Consider rewriting the sentence to remove the unclear reference.

Vague The company advertised on a billboard for the first time. This will attract new customers.
Clear The company advertised on a billboard for the first time. This medium will attract new
Clear The company advertised for the first time on a billboard in order to attract new customers.

Vague Literature is my favorite subject. They are such interesting people.
Clear Literature is my favorite subject. Writers are such interesting people.

Passive voice

Passive voice is not a grammatical error, but a style choice. In general, active voice is the preferred style of most readers. With the active voice, the subject performs the action. This style can provide more clarity, brevity, responsibility, or certainty than passive voice. If the active voice makes sense, use it.

Passive: The mayor was informed of the accounting errors.
Active: Mr. Jones informed the mayor of the accounting errors. (adds clarity)
Active: The mayor was aware of the accounting errors. (adds responsibility)

In the passive voice, the actions are performed upon the subject by someone or something else. 
When the subject is more important than the actor, the passive voice is a useful style.

Passive: The graduated cylinder was filled with 750 ml of the solution. (no actor)

Economic vs Economical

Economic is an adjective that pertains to the science of economics, the production, distribution, or use of income and wealth.

Economical is an adjective that means thrifty or avoiding waste.

Incorrect It is a challenge to predict the economical outlook for next year.
Correct It is a challenge to predict the economic outlook for next year.

Incorrect While unemployed, Ann looked for economic options for necessary purchases.
Correct While unemployed, Ann looked for economical options for necessary purchases.


InfinitiveTo + Verb 

 to economically integrate with Taiwan
The to-infinitive to integrate has been split by the modifier economically. Depending on context, it may or may not need to be unsplit. 

There is no grammatical rule against splitting the infinitive, but some people strongly object to the construction, especially in formal writing. In many instances, unsplitting the infinitive can sound awkward or change the meaning of the sentence. If your reader is likely to object to the split infinitive, rewrite the sentence to avoid its use. (We flag this for that reason.) It is unlikely that long phrases and interrupters can smoothly split the infinitive. 

Controversial: I chose to quietly sneak away from the situation.
Recommended: I chose to sneak away from the situation quietly.
Controversial: He was asked to solemnly swear that he was telling the truth.
Recommended: He was asked to swear solemnly that he was telling the truth.

therefore, this is better and correct
to integrate with Taiwan economically


Modifiers should be placed as close as possible to the nouns they modify. A dangling modifier is a word or phrase that attempts to modify a noun that isn’t actually in the sentence. Sometimes, the target noun does appear in the sentence but is too far away, which results in the modifier getting attached to the wrong noun. In the following examples, the subordinate clause and the subject are in bold to illustrate how one modifies the other.

Incorrect Exiting the building, the sunlight blinded me.
Correct Exiting the building, I was blinded by the sunlight.

Incorrect Having studied hard, the test was passed.
Correct Having studied hard, Chris passed the test.

noun is used as an adjective

Most of the time, when a noun is used as an adjective, it should be in the singular form.
Usually we look at the noun being modified to determine whether there is one item or many: boat race or boat races. Even though one race has many boats, we use the singular boat when modifying the noun race. This tells us what kind of race, but not how many boats. 

However, there are some idiomatic exceptions that use a plural noun as an adjective (news reporter, sales team).

Incorrect There were fifteen boats competing in the boats race.
Correct There were fifteen boats competing in the boat race.

Incorrect There is a lovely apples tree on the corner.
Correct There is a lovely apple tree on the corner.

Incorrect The crowd could have filled a sport arena.
Correct The crowd could have filled a sports arena.

arms sales 

complex sentence

A complex sentence includes one independent clause and at least one dependent clause. When the dependent clause comes first, it is an introductory clause followed by a comma. When it follows the independent clause, no comma is needed. A dependent clause often begins with a dependent marker word, such as after, as if, because, even though, since, unless, or when.

The dependent clause is in bold in the following complex sentences. No comma is required for the construction independent clause + dependent clause.

Correct He was late for work because he had a flat tire.
Correct Tim’s heart raced whenever she was near.
Correct The manager offered a discount after I complained about the service.


An article (a, an, or the) is a type of determiner. Possessive adjectives (my, his, our), possessive nouns (Joe’s, mother’s), and quantifiers (each, every) are also determiners. Single countable nouns usually require a determiner. 

Incorrect I left book on table.
Correct I left a book on the table.
Correct I left the book on a table.
Correct I left Bob’s book on his table.

Incorrect Ms. Anderson, school librarian, agreed to chaperone the field trip.
Correct Ms. Anderson, the school librarian, agreed to chaperone the field trip.

punctuation with direct speech

Direct speech is placed within quotation marks. The speech must end with a comma, period, exclamation point, or question mark. These are placed before the end quotation mark. If the direct speech does not begin a sentence, it is set off with a comma after the preceding word.

Correct Larry said, “The bill is due today.”
Correct “The bill is due today,” Larry said.
Correct “I got a new car!” Cynthia squealed.
Correct Angie asked, “Are you going to the mall?”
Correct “Now that you mention it,” he pondered aloud, “I think you may be right.”
Correct “Please join me for dinner,” Jeff said. “I’d like to continue our discussion.”

Hydrogen was substituted by oxygen.  -- oxygen was used
Hydrogen was substituted for oxygen.  -- hydrogen was used

 substitute A for B -- this means A takes the place of B -- use A
- substitute B for A -- B takes the place of A -- use B
- B was substituted for A -- B takes the place of A -- use B
- A was substituted for B -- A takes the place of B -- use A

- substitute A with/by B -- B takes the place of A -- use B
- substitute B with/by A -- A takes the place of B -- use A
- A was substituted with/by B -- B takes the place of A -- use B
- B was substituted with/by A -- A takes the place of B -- use A

- substitute for sy/sg -- sy/sg is replaced by X = X replaces sy/sg = replace sy/sg with X

Wednesday, April 26, 2017

China quarterly

One to ten spelled out, 11 or more in figures; per cent in text, but % in footnotes. Use comma for 1,000 units. First, second, third, 11th. Dates: 2 March 2012, 20th century, 1980s. Page references: 324–26 but 324–336 (i.e. the rule is that you always repeat the last number that is the same, until you get to thousands, in which case, 2050–64).

Duckett 2010.
Duckett 2010, 54.
O’Brien and Li 2006.
Liu, He and Wu 2008, 23–24.
He et al. 2010
Rozelle 1991, 1996; Duckett 2010.
Rozelle 1991, 1996, 84; Duckett 2010, 54–55.
Lu 2000a, 2000b, 82; Duckett 2010, 9.

As Duckett (2010, 67) points out, “quoted text.”'

Wang, Hufeng 2009; Wang, Shaoguang 1995.
Williams, Peter 2012; Williams, Bob 2008.
Williams, Peter, and Wang 2003.

Chen 2011a, 2011b

Two or more consecutive references to the same work
Use Ibid. followed by page(s) if they differ:
Ibid., 14–16.

Williams, Peter. 2011a. Book Title.
Williams, Peter. 2011b. Title of Book.

Use full author names

Dickson, Bruce. 2008. Red Capitalists in China: The Party, Private Entrepreneurs, and Prospects for Political Change. New York: Cambridge University Press.

O’Brien, Kevin, and Lianjiang Li. 2006. Rightful Resistance in the Chinese Countryside. New York: Cambridge University Press.

Wang, Hufeng. 2009. “A dilemma of Chinese healthcare reform: how to re-define government roles.” China Economic Review 20(4), 598–604.

ROC's claims to be a "political entity" or a de facto or de Jure state

 is now, in essence, a de facto independent liberal democracy,


酒有分水果酒或烈酒, 哪一種比較寒? 大部分人都說是水果酒! 事實上是烈酒! 因為酒真正在寒的是酒精, 烈酒的酒精濃度比水果酒還要高, 所以它是更寒! 你們不信? 你們把酒精擦在身體看看! 哦! 非常寒! 所以我建議身體虛弱的絶對不要喝! 以前有什麼補藥酒, 不要這樣熬了, 這概念應該要改變, 不要再泡酒, 酒絶對是寒, 你不信, 你看看很多人喝了酒, 大部分是烈酒, 因為酒精濃度高, 醉起來, 那個醜態百出, 連水溝也睡去啦, 甚至在馬路就睡了, 甚至有人借酒開始亂來也有啊, 酒會亂性啊, 會不會呀? 我們前面總論就不是有講嗎? 單一的因, 或單一的緣, 都不會成為果, 所以酒, 單一的不會, 一定加上你有體傷, 緣加上因才會產生果, 也就是如果喝醉了, 他腦袋不清, 做出糊里糊塗的事, 那一定是他頭部有體傷, 才會, 所以他喝了, 熱能嚴重消耗嘛, 那體傷加重, 所以頭部就產生症狀, 才會這樣子, 如果他頭部沒有體傷, 你平常把他揉一揉看看, 沒有體傷, 他每次喝酒就亂來, 那肯定是借酒裝瘋的, 那原始點是可以診斷出來! 所以我建議重病的根本不能碰!

USAFacts, data

Website USAFacts offers a new way to follow your tax money

Tuesday, April 25, 2017

After life-shattering loss, Sheryl Sandberg reaches out to others in grief

Research has shown the percentage of Taiwanese unwilling to unify with China (including maintaining the status quo) increases (Keng and Schubert, 2010)

evidence, knowledge, information and research occur commonly in academic writing. These words never take a plurals. They are always singular and the verb is therefore always singular too

Monday, April 24, 2017

older and more-educated citizens are less likely to remain ambivalent about their country identification and are less likely to select Taiwan as the name of their country.
This implies that both country and national identification are solidified as one ages.

Liu, F. C. S., & Lee, F. L. F. (2013). Country, National, and Pan-national Identification in Taiwan and Hong Kong. Asian Survey, 53(6), 1112-1134.
‘de-Sinification’ processes
Wakabayashi identifies three national identity changes in Taiwan.34 The first
occurred when Taiwan was annexed by Japan after the first Sino – Japanese War in
1895. Prior to 1895, ‘people in Taiwan did not think of themselves as a unified
group’.35 However, after the Japanese occupation, Japanese culture was forced upon
the Taiwanese, and the ‘imminent arrival of Japanese troops [be]came the first
indication of a pan-Taiwanese identity, and identity limited to Han’ and an identity
centered on the resistance to Japanese occupation and the formation of a strong
nationalism.36 Both local Taiwanese and mainland immigrants became unified
against the external Japanese threat.

The second change occurred when Taiwan was ‘gloriously returned’ to the ROC in
1945.37 The ROC invoked a ‘Chinese nation’, promoting the Han culture as the
dominant group and culture.38 The process was especially intensified after the KMT
lost the civil war to the CCP and decided to move the Nationalist government to
Taiwan. Many Taiwanese assumed they were simply ‘Chinese’ again. On the day
before 28 February 1947, a local cigarette vendor was brutally beaten by the
Nationalist police as they tried to confiscate her allegedly smuggled cigarettes. The
incident sparked an island-wide uprising. In the next few weeks, the KMT executed
thousands of Taiwanese.39 This eventually led the Nationalist government to declare
martial law. The ‘2.28 Incident’ marked the beginning of the second identity change
in Taiwan. It became the ‘historical genesis of a broad Taiwanese nationalism as we
see it today’. As a result, ‘a considerable number of Taiwanese came to see “China”
as “outside” . . . “they”, the mainlanders, became the “Chinese”; we the Taiwanese
became a different community of people from these “Chinese”’.40

Recent democratization has started perhaps the third national identity change in
Taiwan. The end of the martial law in 1987 and permission from the government
allowing dangwai (opposition parties) to exist are largely considered as the beginning
of Taiwan’s democratization. As a result, ‘Taiwanese nationalism has assumed
considerable prominence, and a cultural uniqueness has been gaining strength’.4

Li, Y. (2014). Constructing peace in the Taiwan Strait: a constructivist analysis of the changing dynamics of identities and nationalisms. Journal of Contemporary China 23(85), 119-142.
In June 2010, Beijing and Taipei signed the Cross-Strait Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement (ECFA), a preferential trade agreement (PTA) with an “early harvest” list that specified which goods and services would be liberalized first.
Those who were optimistic about Taiwan's economy were more likely to support independence
and very unlikely to support unification and vice versa.

Tsai, C.-H., Wang, D.-M., & Tossutti, L. S. (2008). Between independence and unification: an ordered probit analysis of panel survey data on Taiwan's constitutional future. Issues & Studies 44(4), 71–98.
Taiwan’s de facto nation-state status

Sunday, April 23, 2017

Taiwanese identity, independent, unification

Taiwanese identity is more likely to be pro-independent (Wang & Liu, 2004; Chao, 2003).

Chinese identity or with mainland China background and mixed identity (both Taiwanese and Chinese) are more likely to be pro-unification (Wang & Liu, 2004; Chao, 2003).

Those with a mainland background are more likely to support unification. Taiwanese opt for independence. (Chao, 2003)


Saturday, April 22, 2017

democratic liberal values
 OCTS model
Although it is being implemented first in Hong Kong, it was originally
conceived as a method of achieving reunification with Taiwan and its
application to Hong Kong is viewed by the PRC as a "test-run" for Taiwan.

Those who are born before 1953, male, supporting the Pan-Blue Camp, preferring unification, and/or confident that Taiwan’s democracy can change Mainland China are likely to use ‘brotherhood’ as an analogy in their description about Taiwan’s relationship with Mainland China.

Those who were born in 1969 and after have strong Taiwanese national/ethnic identity, reject unification and/or doubt that Mainland China will be politically influenced by Taiwan, are likely to hold hostile attitudes in their description about their mainland counterpart. As shown in Figure 1, the category ‘friends’ includes a variety of national identity, which implies that a good number of respondents hold complex views about Mainland China.

Liu, F. C. S., & Li, Y. (2017). Generation Matters: Taiwan’s Perceptions of Mainland China and Attitudes Towards Cross-Strait Trade Talks. Journal of Contemporary China, 26(104), 263-279

 In November 2014, KMT lost the ‘nine-in-one’ elections Nine-in-One Local Elections for municipal and county level officials.

Jimmy Lai , the Hong Kongese owner of Next Media , sold the Taiwan Division of the company to Want Want China Times and its pro-China Taiwanese Chairman Tsai Eng-meng . The purchase raised concerns about media transparency as the deal would give Tsai control of approximately 45%
of Taiwan’s media market (Cole, 201 5: 22).9 This event has been regarded as the beginning of civic activism among Taiwanese youth, who, through the “Alliance Against Media Monsters” launched two protests in November 201 2 to protect the diversity of voices within Taiwanese media (ibid.). 201 2 to protect the diversity of voices within Taiwanese media (ibid.).
opposing acquisition of Next Media

the protests opposing acquisition of Next Media by Tsai Eng-meng
Wild Strawberries Movement in 2008 which protested the visit of Chen Yunlin , the chairman of the Association for Relations Across the Taiwan Straits (ARATS) to Taiwan.

The beginning of Ma’s presidency also coincided with the Wild Strawberries Movement, marking the beginning of a string of further conflicts between the government and protestors who disagreed with Taiwan’s closer relationship with China.

1990 Wild Lily Student Movement, which sought direct elections of Taiwan's President and Vice-President and popular elections for all representatives in the Legislative Yuan.

People who were optimistic about Taiwan's economy were more likely to support independence
and very unlikely to support unification, and vice versa.

Tsai, C.-H., Wang, D.-M., & Tossutti, L. S. (2008). Between independence and unification: an ordered probit analysis of panel survey data on Taiwan's constitutional future. Issues & Studies 44(4), 71–98.

Friday, April 21, 2017

Taiwanese government sees ‘democracy’ as a major source of Taiwan’s attractiveness
to the American public. ‘Democracy is a shared value between US and Taiwan’, says a
senior Taiwanese official stationed in Washington DC, ‘and democratization indeed
makes it easier to sell Taiwan’s image in the States’. Taiwan supporters confirm that
the peaceful party-turnover in the 2000 election in Taiwan made an especially strong
impression on the US and has attracted more support for Taiwan’s democracy and
stability. Commentators in Taiwan argue that Taiwan’s democratization could be a
great example for non-democratic countries, just as Taiwan’s economic achievements
set an example for the developing countries in the 1980s.

Wang, H., & Lu, Y.-C. (2008). The Conception of Soft Power and its Policy Implications: a comparative study of China and Taiwan. Journal of Contemporary China, 17(56), 425–447.
This pattern of economic integration follows that of the Closer Economic Partnership Arrangement (CEPA) signed between Mainland China and Hong Kong in 2003. Both the Taiwan ECFA and the Hong Kong CEPA frameworks provide preferred access to the Chinese market for Hong Kongese and Taiwanese companies respectively, and allow individual Chinese tourists to visit both territories. 

‘Hongkongisation’ ( !") of Taiwan, framed as following the path of Hong Kong’s post-1997 development, has gained significant public attention have raised the spectre of the Hongkongisation of Taiwan 

One Country, Two Systems’ continues to be the PRC’s formula vis-à-vis Taiwan

Kaeding, M. P. (2014). Challenging Hongkongisation: the role of Taiwan's social movements and perceptions of post-handover Hong Kong. Taiwan in Comparative Perspective, 5, 120-133.

Thursday, April 20, 2017

StudySwap: A platform for interlab replication, collaboration, and research resource exchange
Changes in the ownership structure of the Taiwan media have
given rise to self-censorship (Wu 2012), which has gained greater public attention
after the moderate conservative China Times was purchased by Want Want
Holdings. This company is led by a pro-Beijing businessman, and it consequently
adopted a staunchly pro-China editorial stance. The issue of media freedom has
been extensively debated in Hong Kong, as China has exerted influence on
journalists’ reports and analysis. Freedom of expression and of the press have
deteriorated since the transition period, largely as the consequence of journalists’
self-censorship (Zhang 2006) and the change of media ownership (Fung 2007).
The recent firing and life-threatening attack on a famous Ming Pao editor, wellknown
for his critical stance vis-à-vis the HKSAR and Beijing governments, has
raised fears of China’s more direct involvement (Mullany 2014).

Kaeding, M. P. (2014). Challenging Hongkongisation: the role of Taiwan's social movements and perceptions of post-handover Hong Kong. Taiwan in Comparative Perspective, 5, 120-133.
In Taiwan, the KMT actively promoted traditional Chinese culture in the 1960s while,
in Hong Kong, the British colonial rulers did not interfere in the cultural and
religious affairs of their subjects.
post-Mao era saw a significant shift in Chinese Communist Party (CCP) policy
towards Taiwan, emphasising ‘peaceful reunification’ over ‘liberation’ by force. This
was accompanied by the formula ‘One Country, Two Systems’, devised by Deng
Xiaoping in 1983 (Cooney 1997, 500–502)
The debate has been further fuelled by concerns over the increasingly dominant
position of the pro-China Want Want China Times Group in the media sector. This
concern increased after the Group emerged as one of the investors taking over the
Next Media Group (Taiwan), including Apple Daily, the largest newspaper on the

Sunflower Movement

The Sunflower Movement occurred from March 1 8 to April 1 0, 201 4 after the Cross-Strait Service Trade Agreement (CSSTA) was unilaterally approved by the KMT government. Taiwanese students and other civic groups protested against the CSSTA, raising concerns of closed-door negotiations and “the passing of the Cross-Strait Service Trade Agreement (CSSTA) by the ruling party Kuomintang (KMT) at the legislature without a clause-by-clause review” (Cole, 2014). With the KMT holding a majority in the legislature (65 out of the 11 3 seats), the agreement was approved regardless of the voices amounting from the opposition. The CSSTA was seen as the controversial follow-up
agreement to ECFA which raised further concerns of the negative impact that economic integration could have on Taiwan’s economy as well as other concerns of freedom of speech and the compromised position of democracy on the island. Although issues of democratic governance,
accountability and public trust were at the forefront of the Sunflower protests, other observers also suggested that the CSSTA would also create several issues which would exacerbate the problems of rising unemployment and inequality and further risks of opening Taiwan to further economic dependence on China and its larger economy (Fan, 2014). As such, the issue of procedural democracy became a main concern and the relationship with China took an important secondary focus. The combination of academics, students and other civic organizations protested the hasty approval of the CSSTA which resulted in the eventual occupation of Taiwan’s Legislative Yuan.

KMT government’s quick passing of the CSSTA through the legislature without proper review

in response to legislators from the ruling Chinese Nationalist Party (Kuomintang, KMT) expediting the review process of the controversial Cross-Strait Services Trade Agreement (CCSTA) with
the People’s Republic of China (PRC).

Many Taiwanese feared that the CSSTA, a follow up to the Economic Co-operation Framework Agreement (ECFA) signed in 2010, might be detrimental to Taiwan’s economy and sovereignty

asking authorities to not only implement a monitoring mechanism to oversee future bilateral negotiations with China but also to meet them on their demands for the government’s transparency in negotiating with Beijing due to the undemocratic and under-the-table “black box” negotiations
which occurred (Cole, 201 4).

The movement did not finally end until Legislative Speaker Wang Jin-Pyng announced that the CSSTA would not be passed without a proper review and a proper regulatory mechanism that would
guarantee more transparency.

Kwan, J. P. (2016). The Rise of Civic Nationalism: Shifting Identities in Hong Kong and Taiwan. Contemporary Chinese Political Economy and Strategic Relations: An International Journal 2(2), 941 -973.

Cole, J.M. (201 4, March 20). Taiwanese occupy legislature over China pact. The Diplomat. Retrieved from

Cole, J. M. (201 5, July 24). Taiwanese students occupy education ministry over
textbook controversy. The Diplomat. Retrieved from com/2015/07/taiwanesestudentsoccupyeducationministryovertextbookcontroversy>.

Fan, J. (201 4, April 1 8). The economics of the Cross-Strait Services Agreement.
The Diplomat. Retrieved from ons/2014/04/18taiwancrossstraitservicesagreementfan>.

Tuesday, April 18, 2017

How to find data in Europe

名稱:How to find data in Europe
日期:Wed 17 May 2017, 14:00 CEST (13.00 BST)
A wealth of data is available within Europe to help address social research questions and policy challenges.
Presented by Jennifer Buckley from the UK Data Service and Oliver Watteler from GESIS, the webinar will last approximately 40 minutes followed by 20 minutes for questions.
This introductory webinar is intended for anyone who wants to hear about the data available from European social science data services.
Participants will learn about the types of data available across European locations including major comparative and longitudinal studies.
There will be a practical overview of how to find, access and understand data with examples from two of Europe’s largest social science data services: the UK Data Service and GESIS.

Monday, April 17, 2017


On February 27th, 1947 a Tobacco Monopoly Bureau enforcement team confiscated the cigarettes from a 40-year old widow Lin Jiang-mai in Taipei. As Lin demanded her cigarettes back, she was beaten and injured by the Tobacco Monopoly Bureau enforcers

The next day, crowds gathered outside the Governor General’s office demanding justice. Security forces fired into the crowds killing several people. The incident is known as the “2.28 Incident”. In the months to come, Chiang Kai-shek sent troops from the mainland to crack down the protests across Taiwan. Thousands of innocent people were killed and martial law was declared. The “2.28 Incident” became the genesis of a broader Taiwanese identity – an identity that sees the mainlanders as “outsiders” or “alien rulers”

 “2.28 Incident”. In the months to come, Chiang Kai-shek sent troops from the mainland to crack down the protests across Taiwan. Thousands of innocent people were killed and martial law was declared. The “2.28 Incident” became the genesis of a broader Taiwanese identity – an identity that sees the mainlanders as “outsiders” or “alien rulers”

Shih, C.-f., & Chen, M. (2010). TAIWANESE IDENTITY AND THE MEMORIES OF 2-28: A CASE FOR POLITICAL RECONCILIATION. Asian Perspective, 34(4), 85-113. 
Both Presidents Chiang Kai-shek and Chiang Ching-kuo believed that there was only one China – the ROC – and both Taiwan and the mainland were part of the ROC. The ultimate goal of the KMT was to liberalize the mainland and achieve national unification. Therefore, the “one China” was clearly the ROC and Taiwan was part of the ROC.
At that time, Taipei denied the existence of the government in Beijing. Moreover, the ROC never believed its government ceased to exist; it simply moved from Nanjing to Taipei. Since then, Taiwan has existed without being part of the PRC for more than six decades.

Today, however, either under the KMT or the DPP, Taiwan no longer considers the liberalization of the mainland as a national goal. While the pro-independence DPP government has departed from the “one China” position and refused to endorse the “1992 Consensus” – one China with different interpretations; the pro-unification KMT has, generally speaking, acknowledged the “1992 Consensus” and dealt with the mainland on the basis of this consensus. Today considerable disagreement remains about what the concept of the ROC versus Taiwan would include. Some people in Taiwan define Taiwan only as the geographical region on the island of Taiwan and a few offshore islands. Others hold that Taiwan still include the geographical region of the Chinese mainland plus Outer Mongolia.

Zhimin Chen. Nationalism, Internationalism and Chinese Foreign Policy. Journal of Contemporary China, 14(42), 35-53.

Frank C.S. Liu and Francis L.F. Lee. 2013. “Country, National, and Pan-national Identification in Taiwan and Hong Kong”. Asian Survey, 53(6), 1112-34.

Sunday, April 16, 2017

 first generation on both sides died out altogether. These leaders were already in their seventies and eighties by the end of the 1970s. Beijing's leaders worried that after the old-generation leaders in Taiwan passed away, the future political development in Taiwan might become more complicated. (Zhao, 1999)

Saturday, April 15, 2017

PRC menace
military coercion
threat of use of force
military brinkmanship
Coercive strategy exploited Taiwan's fear of war through military brinkmanship
military buildup
China's military expansion
military intimidation
Lo, S. S.-H. (2008). The Dynamics of Beijing-Hong Kong Relations: A Model for Taiwan? Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press.

Beijing’s Evolving One China Principle, history background

Lin, C.-P. (2008). More Carrot Than Stick: Beijing's Emerging Taiwan Policy. China Security, 4 (1), 29-39.
Appendix 2:

California Legalized Selling Food Made At Home And Created Over A Thousand Local Businesses

Friday, April 14, 2017

travel to China, frequency

the more frequently a person travels to Mainland China, the better impression he will have of Mainland China. This is especially true for the Taiwanese population that has been to Mainland China more than seven times. Frequency of travel to Mainland China by residents of Taiwan also led to a more positive assessment on the likelihood of social and economic integration between Taiwan and Mainland China. More than 78% of the people of Taiwan who have traveled to Mainland China believe that there will be social integration between Taiwan and Mainland China (see Table 4), whereas 87% of the  same group believe there will be economic integration between the two in the
future (see Table 5).

Wei, Y. (2004). From Functional Integration to Structural Readjustment: Taipei–Beijing relations and the role of the United States. Journal of Contemporary China, 13(40), 427-460.

Thursday, April 13, 2017

Taiwan: The Security Policy of the Chen Government since 2000, China Perspectives 64 (March-April 2006), pp. 45–57;
Taiwan renounced the reconquest of the Chinese mainland by force in 1991

Wednesday, April 12, 2017

For years,President Ma has emphasised that his cross-strait policy is based on the principle of “No Reunification, No Independence and No War.”

Saturday, April 08, 2017

Asian studies journal ranking

1.China Quarterly-- 0.842/1.511, SSCI ---regular articles (up to 9,000 words, including abstract, footnotes, bibliography and tables)

2.Journal of Asian Studies--0.621/0.557, SSCI --between 8,000 and 10,000 words
Nan Nü: Men, Women and Gender in China

Asian Survey (lower)
Journal of Contemporary Asia

Journal of Contemporary China

Taking Taiwan‘s democratisation as starting with the illegal but unopposed establishment of the Democratic Progressive Party on 28 September 1986.

Friday, April 07, 2017

Milestones in Taiwan’s Political Development (1895–1999)

Chu, Y.-h., & Lin, J.-w. (2001). Political Development in 20th-Century Taiwan: State-Building, Regime Transformation and the Construction of National Identity. The China Quarterly, 165, 102-129
table 2

Taiwan Strait Crisis (1995-1996); Taiwan Strait Crisis (1999)

Lin, C.-P. (2008). More Carrot Than Stick: Beijing's Emerging Taiwan Policy. China Security, 4 (1), 29-39.

1993 Koo-Wang Meeting, 1998 Koo-Wang Meeting

Lin, C.-P. (2008). More Carrot Than Stick: Beijing's Emerging Taiwan Policy. China Security, 4 (1), 29-39.

Beijing’s Evolving One China Principle, history background

Appendix 2:

Lin, C.-P. (2008). More Carrot Than Stick: Beijing's Emerging Taiwan Policy. China Security, 4 (1), 29-39.

Ani-Secession Law

The ASL comprises 10 articles.

Articles 1-5 restate Beijing’s fundamental principles on Taiwan, so there is little new there.

Article 6 deals with cross-Strait exchanges and article 7 with cross-Strait negotiations. Both are moderate in nature.

Articles 8 and 9 constitute the “hard” portion of ASL, but they are short and are far outweighed
by the “softer” elements in the document.

Article 8 stipulates how the decision to execute  “nonpeaceful means” should be made. A decision to do so must be reached by both the State Council, an all civilian body, and the Central Military
Commission, in that order. Moreover, the decision shall be promptly reported to the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress. Article 8 strikes a remarkable departure from the past. When China took military actions beyond its peripheries, it used to require a decision made by the Central Military Commission alone, which meant simply that the directives were given by the topmost strongman such as Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping. Now, under the ASL, additional hurdles need to be passed before “nonpeaceful means” could be waged on Taiwan.

Article 9 provides the caveats of Article 8 by setting limits to the damage incurred by the use of nonpeaceful means (eg. Taiwanese civilians and foreign nationals are not to be harmed).
In this sense,

Article 9 is essentially a “mission impossible.” With the weapons platform used in warfare, successfully striking “Taiwan independence secessionist forces” while avoiding “Taiwan civilians and foreign nationals” is not possible. However, the concept of “nonpeaceful means” used here is much broader than traditional war fighting. On an imaginary scale of 0-100, with traditional war being 100 and absolute peace being zero, “nonpeaceful means” could extend from 10 to 100, giving China’s future civilian leaders plenty of elbow room to comply with the ASL, while still avoiding a bloody military conflict across the Taiwan Strait. In light of the soft-offensives launched at Taiwan after the passage of the Law, it would appear that: (1) the ASL was meant to be, instead of a legal preparation for war against Taiwan, a legal preparation for Beijing’s efforts to win over the hearts and
minds of Taiwanese; and (2) rather than intimidate the Taiwanese, the ASL was meant more to
unshackle the hands of Beijing’s Taiwan Affairs officials to promote cross-Strait engagement
from internal hawkish opposition – although Taiwan was further antagonized and alienated
as a result.

Article 10 simply declares the ASL come into effect when promulgated.

Lin, C.-P. (2008). More Carrot Than Stick: Beijing's Emerging Taiwan Policy. China Security, 4 (1), 29-39.

Thursday, April 06, 2017

much research assumes

Tuesday, April 04, 2017

Monday, April 03, 2017

After joining the WTO at the end of 2001, China has faced even more thorny
economic problems. The only way for China to solve or control internal problems
is to keep the economy effectively growing at a minimum 7%–8% annually
to provide sufficient employment opportunities.53 In 2003, when the
economic growth rate was 9.1%, the net total of urban jobs increased by 8.59
million. In 2004, the Chinese government aimed at keeping the urban registered
unemployment rate below 4.7% by creating nine million net additional
urban jobs. That is, the government had to maintain at least a 9% economic growth
rate in 2004.5

1992 consensus

one china, with each side (of the Taiwan Strait) making its own interpretation

In late 1992, Taiwan and China reached an agreement to orally express the term “one
China” in their own ways. Taipei stressed that Taiwan and China had different interpretations of
“one China” so that China should not suppress the usage “Republic of China” in the international
arena. Beijing emphasized that both sides reached agreement to insist on using the one-China principle.
In practice, Taipei and Beijing have different interpretations of the 1992 consensus and continued
to confront each other in the international arena over the “one-China” principle. Author
interviews with a senior scholar of Taiwan Studies, Shanghai, November 2002; and a senior
scholar of International Relations, Shanghai, November 2002.

Tung, C.-y. (2005). An Assessment of China's Taiwan Policy under the Third Generation Leadership. Asian Survey, 45(3), 343-361. doi: 10.1525/as.2005.45.3.343

Sunday, April 02, 2017


during the most serious crises in the Taiwan Strait in recent years—namely in
1995/96 and 1999/2000—it was striking how quickly China’s leaders at the central and provincial
levels stepped in to assure the Taiwanese business community that its mainland investments were
safe. At no time was there any public talk about economic sanctions.

Taiwan, China, One China principle/consensus/policy

  • the wake of the break-up of 1949, the Republic of China on Taiwan and the People's Republic of China enforced a ban on mutual trade. KEMPF, D., & DESBUISSONS, F. (1996)
  • in 1978, that the PRC sought to improve relations with its neighbour in the context of domestic economic reform. The aforementioned “united front" strategy officially consisted of seeking to improve political relations through economic integration. The Taiwanese responded with the triple “no" policy, which was articulated in 1985: no contacts, no negotiations, no compromise. In this way, cross strait economic relations were defined negatively by the necessity for indirect contacts KEMPF, D., & DESBUISSONS, F. (1996)
  • in November 1987, when individuals were allowed to travel to the PRC for “family” reasons, a policy which businessmen were quick to exploit for market exploration trips. The following year, permission to travel was extended to low-ranking officials. Also in 1988, Taiwan changed its rules and gave official caution to indirect trade by authorising imports of a small num ber of products from mainland China. Investment in the mainland was subjected to stringent conditions KEMPF, D., & DESBUISSONS, F. (1996)
  • In November 1987, the Taiwan government moved to allow Taiwan citizens to visit relatives on the mainland. 
  • in 1987, the mainland government adopted "Regulations Governing Investment Incentives for Taiwanese Brethren" which guaranteed equal treatment for Taiwanese citizens and foreigners, and included specific clauses favourable to Taiwanese ventures (such as tax exemptions or land management advantages). In effect, each province was left free to implement specific policies to attract Taiwanese investments KEMPF, D., & DESBUISSONS, F. (1996)
  • In 1990, Taiwan officially authorised business trips to China and allowed the import of a wider range of products   KEMPF, D., & DESBUISSONS, F. (1996)
  • In 1991 the Straits Exchange Foundation and Association for Relations Across the Taiwan Strait mechanisms were established in Taipei and Beijing, respectively. 
  • In 1992 Beijing announced the “Statute Governing Relations between Peoples of the Taiwan Area and Mainland Area,” which was followed a year later with the enactment of “Guidelines Governing the Entry of People of the Taiwan Area into the Mainland Area.”
  • Koo-Wang talks of 1993.
  • Guidelines covering traffic in the reverse direction were issued in 1993 as well, although Taiwan retained restrictions about who was allowed to come from the mainland. These two sets of legislation from Taipei and Beijing greatly facilitated the travel of people across the Strait, primarily from Taiwan to the mainland. Furthermore, although these mechanisms were created in response to the growing reality of Taiwan citizens wishing to and actually already making trips to the PRC, creating the mechanisms also boosted confidence. Combined with the business upturn in China in the early 1990s, they helped to dramatically boost the volume of people traveling from Taiwan to the mainland. Sutter, K. M. (2002). Business Dynamism across the Taiwan Strait: The Implications for Cross-Strait Relations. Asian Survey, 42(3), 522-540
  • There was no further change in the regulatory framework until 1996 KEMPF, D., & DESBUISSONS, F. (1996)


In 1885 the Qing government declared Taiwan a province and appointedLiu Mingchuan its first provincial governor (xunfu). Liu was assigned a difficult mission: to modernize the island and make it a blockhouse against foreign incursion of China. However, Taiwan, as a frontier settlement for poor Chinese immigrants, had been tossed aside by Chinese governments for centuries.For much of the Qing period, the island was governed by absentee Mandarins based primarily in Fujian,who spent little time on the island and regarded Taiwan as a chaotic and plague-ridden periphery. Chu, Y.-h., & Lin, J.-w. (2001).

Thus depreciated, Taiwan was ceded to Japan through the Treaty of Shimonoseki in April 1895 after the Sino-Japanese war. The Japanese took over Liu’s truncated business of modernization, but within a very different political framework. The challenge faced by the Japanese was twofold. On the one hand, armed resistance must be crushed for the colonial government to be installable. On the other, incorporating some 2.5 million Chinese immigrants politically, economically and culturally
into the emerging Japanese imperium remained a daunting task. Chu, Y.-h., & Lin, J.-w. (2001).

The occupation of Taiwan was dominated by political and military considerations, under which the Taiwanese were treated as potential challengers rather than as equal citizens. In addition, the Japanese did not find Taiwan’s climatic and sanitarian environments favourable to large-scale emigration. With a handful of colonizers clustering in the cities, the assimilation policy was simply unrealistic. Chu, Y.-h., & Lin, J.-w. (2001).

the Taiwanese are biologically distinguishable from the Japanese, and must be governed according to local conditions. Under this policy, extensive surveys were conducted between 1898 and 1903 on Taiwan’s geography, land, traditional customs and population. These investigations helped the colonial government to usurp unclaimed properties, reassign land ownership, implement tax reform, monopolize key industries and reach financial independence. the colonial government kept Taiwan’s social structure intact, but subjected it to close surveillance. With an extensively built police
network that was fused with the traditional baojia system, the government infiltrated every corner of Taiwanese society. Chu, Y.-h., & Lin, J.-w. (2001).

Taiwanese residents were allowed to choose nationality in the first two years of occupation. Only a few thousand left for China, and the remainder became Japanese subjects. Even so, the Taiwanese far from enjoyed complete Japanese citizenship. They were excluded from the government and representative bodies, did not even hold partial suffrage, were vulnerable to police abuse, and had no right to serve in the military. Chu, Y.-h., & Lin, J.-w. (2001).

The Nationalist government launched its military conscription in Taiwan as early as 1951,

power transferred from Chiang Kai-shek to his oldest son, Chiang Ching-kuo, in the late 1960s, without the historical stature of his father and foreseeing the legitimacy crisis of the regime, Chiang tried to broaden his social support by recruiting more native Taiwanese to the party and state leadership;  nominate Lee Teng-hui, a native, as the vice-president and his official successor in
March 1984. His decision to tolerate the forming of the DPP in 1986 and the subsequent announcement, only a week after the birth of the DPP, of his intention to lift martial law and many long-time political bans, were a watershed in Taiwan’s regime transition. Chu, Y.-h., & Lin, J.-w. (2001)

Chiang Ching-kuo implemented the "Taiwanization" policy in 1972. Thereafter, the number of Taiwanese in the state apparatus expanded steadily, (Wong, 2005)

With the indigenization of the KMT power structure, the state was eventually converted from a cultural agent of Chinese nationalism into an incubator of a “re-imaged community” based on a new Taiwanese identity. Chu, Y.-h., & Lin, J.-w. (2001). Political Development in 20th-Century Taiwan: State-Building, Regime Transformation and the Construction of National Identity. The China Quarterly, 165, 102-129

Chiang Ching-kuo choose two Taiwanese as vice presidents of the ROC, Shieh Tung-min in 1978 and Lee Teng-hui in 1984.

Taiwan firms were officially prohibited from directly trading with or investing in the PRC under Chiang Ching-Kuo’s “three no’s policy” of 1979 (no contact, no negotiation, no compromise) Sutter, K. M. (2002).

In 1983 Beijing enacted the “Guidance on Taiwanese Investments in Special Economic Zones and Related Favorable Policies.” The PRC’s State Council moved to offer further incentives and a legal foundation for Taiwan investment  in July 1988 with the issuance of “Regulations for Encouraging Investment by Taiwan Compatriots,” which was followed in May 1989 by the establishment of two investment zones for Taiwan firms in Xiamen and Fuzhou cities, both in Fujian Province. And in 1994 the National People’s Congress passed legislation protecting investment by Taiwan firms.K. M. (2002).

Before the mid-1980s, interaction with the PRC was anathema to the leaders, since it violated the official "three no's" policy of "no contact, no negotiation, and no compro- mise" that was first introduced by Chiang Kai-shek and later reiterated by his son, Chiang Ching-kuo, in 1982. Even after this policy was abolished in 1987,1987, Lee Teng-hui remained lukewarm toward cross-Strait ties, reasoning that they would complicate Taipei's political autonomy; Leng, "A Political Analysis of Taiwan s Economic Dependence on Main- land China," p. 134

Since the mid-1980s, companies have circumvented the government's ban on cross-Strait contact by conducting their operations through third destinations and by underreporting trade and investment figures.figures. When the government realized that these activities could no longer be suppressed, it relaxed the existing restrictions and promulgated new laws, hop- ing that the updated policy would help limit cross-Strait ties. (Wong, 2005)

passing Chiang Ching-kuo in January 1988 hastened the breakdown of the one-party authoritarian rule. The built-in succession mechanism put Lee Teng-hui in charge of political reform. --- accelerated the trend of Taiwanization,  Chu, Y.-h., & Lin, J.-w. (2001)

In the first place, it was economic and social pressures that forced Taipei to loosen its decades-old restrictions on mainland contact in the late-1980s. (Wong, 2005)

In October 1990, the Taipei government issued “Regulations on Indirect Investment or Technical Cooperation in the Mainland Area.” This was Taiwan’s first regulation to deal directly with the issue of Taiwan investment in the PRC. The new measures allowed Taiwan firms to invest in 3,353 products, mostly in labor-intensive industries such as apparel, footwear, household electronics, and food processing. K. M. (2002).

By the mid-1990s, Taiwanese firms began to shift from labor-intensive and low-value manufacturing to more capital- and technology-intensive investments such as computers and petrochemicals. K. M. (2002).

Regulations Governing Permission of Trade Between the Taiwan Area and the Mainland Area, which were promulgated in April 1993 and amended in October 1996 by MOEA.Sutter, K. M. (2002).

Taiwan's economic policy toward China before 1996 was truly market-conforming. Taiwanese government had some regulations on trade with and investment in China, but none seems to be outright contradictory with market forces then prevailing. But as 1996 went on, Taiwan's economic policy toward China became more and more market-non-confirming, culminating in President Lee's call for "No Haste, Be Patient" toward the Chinese market in September 1996. Ho, S. Y., & Leng *, T. K. (2004).

Ho, S. Y., & Leng *, T. K. (2004). Accounting for Taiwan's economic policy toward China. Journal of Contemporary China, 13(41), 733-746.

Taipei adopted this new approach, known as tanxing waijiao (elastic diplomacy) in the early 1990s by abandoning its insistence on being the only legitimate Chinese government in the international arena. This new policy was elaborated in Taipei's first foreign affairs report in January 1993, which called for an expansion of international links without regard for the reactions of mainland China. In addition, Taipei's White Paper on Cross-Strait Relations of July 1994 stated that Taipei would "no longer compete with Beijing for the right to represent China in the international arena. Zhao, S. (1999). 

President Lee Teng-hui (1996-

The term “1992 consensus” was invented by Su Chi, who served as the former Mainland
Affairs Council Chairman in the Lee Teng-hui administration

emergence of Taiwanese nationalism throughout the rest of Lee Teng-hui's tenure, (Wong, 2005)

The 1995-96 Taiwan Strait crisis--military exercises aimed at Taiwan from July 1995 to March 1996.
A 1995 visit by Taiwanese President Lee Teng-hui to his American alma mater, Cornell University, provoked China to conduct military exercises and fire missiles near Taiwan.In March
1996, the PRC launched more missiles near Taiwan; O'Hanlon, M. (2000). Whiting, A. S. (2001)
Taiwan first popular presidential election in March 1996 ( Lee Teng-hui). Months before the election, China launched missiles into the water surrounding Taiwan. Ho, S. Y., & Leng *, T. K. (2004)

Beijing declared its successful conclusion of military exercises following Lee Teng-hui's re-election as Taiwan's president in March 1996. Prior to the March 1996 presidential election, Beijing launched missile tests in the Taiwan Strait.

Beijing became angered particularly by Lee's interview with Japanese writer Ryotaro Shiba in March 1994 and Lee's visit to the U.S. in May 1995. In his interview with Shiba, Lee talked about "the sorrow of being a Taiwanese," and compared himself to Moses, saying that he would lead his followers to escape from Egypt, cross the Red Sea and build another country in another place.
Beijing saw Lee's U.S. visit as opening the prelude to the "Exodus" and moving China's "family affairs" into the international arena.

Beijing concluded that Lee would brazenly campaign for Taiwan independence after becoming the first directly elected president in Taiwan in March 1996, so the mainland must make preparations for this possibility. Beijing could no longer show tolerance toward Lee's visit to the U.S. to create two Chinas

President Lee Teng-hui’s attempt to divert investment away from mainland China toward Southeast Asia in 1993 with his “Go South” policy failed to divert enthusiasm significantly from business opportunities in the PRC. K. M. (2002).

“patience over haste” policy of 1996 was advocated by then-President Lee Teng-hui to slow down the capital flow from Taiwan to China and capped Taiwanese investment on the mainland to, at one point, 40% of a company’s total assets.Ho, S. Y., & Leng *, T. K. (2004)

Taipei in August 1996 to enact the “Be Patient, Go Slow” policy K. M. (2002).

In 1996, at the apex of his career, Lee Teng-hui announced his plan to curb cross-Strait commerce. Arguably the most resolute measure since exchanges with the mainland commenced in the 1980s, the "Go Slow, Be Patient" policy included a wide range of legal restrictions.

China responded with moderation to Lee Teng-hui’s “two-state theory” issued in mid-1999, in an
attempt to stabilize cross-strait relations and thus maintain concentration on addressing
internal problems. Tung, C.-y. (2005).

Lee Teng-hui's six-point response to Jiang's eight-point proposal further disappointed Beijing because Lee required the mainland to acknowledge "the reality of divided rule between Taiwan and the mainland." In Beijing's view, "this is actually asking the mainland to recognize two Chinas first and then discuss the issue of the reunification." Lee also demanded that Beijing give up the resort to force against Taiwan as a prerequisite for talks between the two sides. In Beijing's view, this "reversed the order of cross-strait negotiations and the ending of the state of hostility between the two sides" and "can only encourage Taiwan independence. " Zhao, S. (1999). Military Coercion and Peaceful Offence: Beijing's Strategy of National Reunification with Taiwan. Pacific Affairs, 72(4), 495-512

President Chen Shui-bian (2000–08)

opposition movement beginning in the 1970s, used support for independence as a means of challenging the KMT and promoting democratization. Saunders, P. C. (2005)

Founded in 1986, the DPP expanded rapidly from a group of loosely organized dissidents - the dangwai movement - to Taiwan's ruling party in less than two and a half decades

After nearly four decades of authoritarian rule by the KMT, democratic forces began to gain ground in Taiwan in the mid-1980s. As a result, the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) was legally established on 28 September 1986 and openly called for Taiwan independence.

Prior to the presidential election, Beijing had hinted several times that if Chen were elected, Beijing might use military force against Taiwan.After the election, however, Beijing did not adopt a harsh response, but instead followed a low-keyed “listen to what he says, and watch what he does” approach toward the new Taiwanese president. Then Chinese President Jiang Zemin openly took the stance that China could not afford to use military force against Taiwan because such action could jeopardize China’s economic development. Tung, C.-y. (2005). An Assessment of China's Taiwan Policy under the Third Generation Leadership. Asian Survey, 45(3), 343-361.

three days before the Mar. 18, 2000 presidential elections, the then P.R.C. Premier Zhu Rongji waved his fists on TV warning Taiwanese voters not to support the DPP candidate or the consequences could be disastrous.

Chen’s May 2000 inaugural speech included five specific pledges intended to reassure China, the so-called “four nos and one will not.” Chen declared that “as long as the CCP [Chinese Communisty Party] regime has no intention to use military force against Taiwan,” he would not declare independence, change the national title from the Republic of China, push for inclusion of “special state to state” relations in the Constitution, promote a referendum on the question of independence or unification, or abolish the National Reunification Council. Chen referred to these commitments again in his 2004 inaugural address. This conditional pledge of restraint was intended to reassure China but has had limited success. Chinese analysts see a pattern of continuing steps toward independence,
ranging from small moves such as adding the word “Taiwan” to Republic of China passports to more significant actions such as the passage of legislation authorizing referendums (which might eventually be used for a referendum on independence) and Chen’s push for creation of a new Constitution. Saunders, P. C. (2005). Long-term Trends in China-Taiwan Relations: Implications for U.S. Taiwan Policy. Asian Survey, 45(6), 970-991.

Chen administration announced in September 2000 and implemented in January 2001 the "mini three links" - the lifting of bans on travel and trade between mainland China and nearby offshore islands that have been under Taipei's jurisdiction. But these links simply "legalized the 'unofficial trade' that had been going on for years. Thomas J. Bellows, "Cross Straits Relations and the Chen Shui-bian Administration," Asian Journal of Political Science, vol. 9, No. 1 (June, 2001), p. 67

December 31, 2000, Chen proposed an “integration theory”: future political integration through economic and cultural integration. This was a significant breakthrough in the DPP’s China policy because in the past, the DPP had never discussed or proposed any possibility of political integration between Taiwan and China. However, on March 19, 2001, Chen told leaders of the World Taiwanese Congress that the term “integration” referred mainly to a process for cross-strait rapprochement
and would not necessarily lead to unification. Tung, C.-y. (2005).

In August 2001, Taiwan President Chen Shuibian’s newly formed Economic Development Advisory Council (EDAC) agreed on a range of economic recommendations, including the liberalization
of direct trade and investment, the creation of more flexible cross-Strait capital flow mechanisms, and the opening of travel and tourism. Sutter, K. M. (2002)

In september 2001, replace No Haste, Be Patient with "Active Opening, Effective Regulation"
but many had already invested in Chinese market, disregarding government regulations, Ho, S. Y., & Leng *, T. K. (2004)

Chen made his greatest concession in August 2001 by announcing his plan to lift the "Go Slow, Be Patient" policy and resume cross- Strait talk  (Wong, 2005)

Chen’s “one-country-on-each-side theory” was issued on August 3, 2002. --- China thereafter portrayed him as a “stubborn” supporter of Taiwan independence. Consequently,Beijing has not responded positively or promptly to Chen’s initiatives on cross-strait relations.Tung, C.-y. (2005).

Beijing believes that the worst period of cross-strait relations (when “one-country-on-each-side theory” was issued in August 2002) Tung, C.-y. (2005).

When Chen Shui-bian’s “one-country-on-each-side theory” was issued in August 2002, China’s reaction was very low-key, because military intimidation would have been harmful to Sino-U.S. relations and the feelings of the Taiwanese people, and even more detrimental to China’s economic
development. Tung, C.-y. (2005).

pro-identity politics and nationalist agenda

In 2003, Taiwan’s then-President Chen Shui-bian and his predecessor Lee Teng-hui claimed that they would push for a new constitution in 2006 through a referendum, with plans to implement it in 2008 before the Summer Olympics in Beijing. Hu viewed these remarks as a menacing taidu timetable forcing Beijing to act, and it seemed the years leading to 2008 could have been the most dangerous time China’s current leaders had faced up to that point.

Steven M. Goldstein and Randall Schriver, “An Uncertain Relationship: The United States,
Taiwan, and the Taiwan Relations Act,” China Quarterly 165 (2001), pp. 147–72; Donald S. Zagoria,
ed., Breaking the China-Taiwan Impasse (Westport, Conn.: Praeger, 2003); Mathieu Duchâtel, “Taiwan: The Security Policy of the Chen Government since 2000,” China Perspectives 64 (March-April 2006), pp. 45–57; and Philip Yang, “Doubly Dualistic Dilemma: U.S. Strategies toward China and Taiwan,” International Relations of the Asia-Pacific 6:2 (2006), pp. 209–25.

China neither resorted to military intimidation nor verbal attacks during the March 2004 presidential election

President Ma Ying-jeou (2008-

For years,President Ma has emphasised that his cross-strait policy is based on the principle of “No Reunification, No Independence and No War.”

Kuomintang (Nationalist Party, KMT).
The new administration of President Ma Ying-jeou is firmly dedicated to the promotion of increased interaction and economic integration across the Taiwan Strait, in the hope that this will lead to political rapprochement and, eventually, a peace agreement between Taipei and Beijing.

Taiwan and mainland China signed the Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement (ECFA) in June 2010, an agreement that aims to reduce trade barriers between mainland China and Taiwan.

President Ma Ying-jeou was re-elected president of Taiwan on 14 February 2012.


Mao Zedong, clear his intentions to "liberate" Taiwan and defeat the Nationalist (Guomintang) forces based there. China postponed its preparations to the island after the outbreak of the Korean War in June 1950, when Harry Truman deployed the U.S. Seventh Fleet to neutralize the Taiwan which runs between the mainland and Taiwan. Hostilities between China and the Nationalists resumed in 1952 in battles over control of the coastal islands adjacent to Zhejiang and Fujian Provinces, some of which the Nationalists used as bases for raids on the mainland; Fravel, M. T. (2008).

The first major crisis over Taiwan erupted on September 3, 1954, when the PLA began a punishing shelling of Jinmen (Kinmen) Island  ; On August 23, 1958, PLA forces initiated a second crisis across Strait with another sustained shelling of Jinmen; Fravel, M. T. (2008).

Beijing's taking over of Taipei's seat in the UN General Assembly and Security Council in 1971.

switching of diplomatic recognition of the United States from Taipei to Beijing in 1979

on January 1979. The message hoped that "Taiwan returns to the embrace of the motherland at an early date so that we can work together for the great cause of national development." Zhao, S. (1999). Military Coercion and Peaceful Offence: Beijing's Strategy of National Reunification with Taiwan. Pacific Affairs, 72(4), 495-512

The new policy was fully elaborated in the nine-point proposal for peaceful reunification by Ye Jianying, the vice-chairman of the NPC Standing Committee, on 30 September 1981. Ye suggested talks between the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and KMT, and specifically proposed santong (three links, i.e., commercial, postal and travel) and siliu (four exchanges, i.e., academic, cultural, economic and sports) as the first step to "gradually eliminate antagonism between the two sides and increase mutual understanding. Zhao, S. (1999).

Deng Xiaoping proposed a formula of "one country, two systems" as a viable way for reunification, Zhao, S. (1999).

To implement peaceful offence, Beijing established a semiofficial institution, the Association for Relations Across the Taiwan Strait (ARATS) as a counterpart to the Strait Exchange Foundation (SEF) on the Taiwan side, and began cross-strait functional consultations in 1992. Zhao, S. (1999).

In 1993, then Chinese premier Li Peng announced that a confrontational Taiwan policy should be replaced by one with greater emphasis on economic inducement (Wong,m 2005)
The slogan for this new policy reflects its spirit: "to peddle the [domestic] politics through business; to influence the [Taiwanese] government through the people; (Wong,m 2005)
----Li Peng, Governmental Report to the Sixth Plenary Meeting of the Seventh National People's Congress , April 1993, quoted by Yun-han Chu, "The Political Economy of Taiwan's Mainland Policy," in Suisheng Zhao, ed., Across the Taiwan Strait: Mainland China, Taiwan , and the 1995-1996 Crisis (New York: Routledge, 1999), p. 182

Wang Daohan and Koo Chen-fu, chairmen of the two institutions, met in Singapore for the first time in 1993. At the meeting of the executive officials of the two institutions on 28 May 1995, the two sides decided to institutionalize the Koo-Wang talks and agreed that the second round of Koo-Wang talks would be held in Beijing on 20July of that year and the third talks in Taipei the next year. With these steps, Beijing expected to move the cross-strait relationship from the phase of discussing practical issues to the phase of political contact and negotiation and was preparing for a breakthrough in cross-strait exchanges followingJiang's eight-point proposal in 1995.Zhao, S. (1999).

Jiang Zemin (1995–2004)

the politics of power transfer from Deng Xiaoping to Jiang Zemin. 1995 was a crucial year for Jiang Zemin to complete the power succession.In the name of unity and stability, Jiang had taken on the traditional rulership style of wuweierzhi (無為而治)- a conservative tendency of immobilism

Jiang had loyally implemented the peaceful reunification policy formulated by Deng Xiaoping before 1995.

President Jiang Zemin to make the eight-point proposal for high-level negotiations to end the hostility across the strait on 30 January 1995.

Jiang's initiative was met with President Lee Teng-hui's historic visit to the United States in May 1995. More embarrassingly, Beijing's leaders received relevant forecasts only two days before the U.S. Department of State officially announced Lee's visit. Jiang Zemin and his foreign minister, Qian Qichen, were very embarrassed.

Taiwan policy can be divided into two periods. These were set apart by the “special state-to-state dispute” (liangguolun shijian) triggered by former Taiwan President Lee Teng-hui in mid-1999. In the earlier period, Jiang’s policy could be characterized by harsh “verbal attacks and military threats” (wengong wuhe), while in the later period, more emphasis was placed on “great-power relations”
(daguo guanxi). These in effect applied indirect pressure by pushing the U.S. to restrain Taiwan. (Keng & Schubert, 2010)

Jiang Zemin’s Eight-Point Proposal on cross-strait relations presented in January 1995, “one China” meant: “There is only one China in the world; Taiwan is an inalienable part of China; China’s sovereignty and territorial integrity cannot be separated.” Tung, C.-y. (2005).

Jiang Zemin, the general secretary of the CCP and the president of the PRC, made an eight-point proposal on 30 January 1995. He suggested that the two sides across the Taiwan Strait start negotiations "on officially ending the state of hostility between the two sides and accomplishing peaceful reunification step by step." Zhao, S. (1999)

the death of Deng Xiaoping in February 1997

in September 1997, Jiang Zemin emphatically reaffirmed his eight-point proposal for peaceful negotiations. He stressed the need "to adhere to the basic guidelines of peaceful reunification and one country, two systems," and to "entrust all the hope for the Taiwan people sharing a tradition of glorious patriotism." Jiang's eight-point proposal and to promote economic, cultural, sports, educational, technological and other exchanges with the people of Taiwan., To facilitate peaceful offence, policies and regulations concerning Taiwan would be improved and formalities for Taiwanese residents' entry to the mainland would be further simplified so that the "compatriots in Taiwan" would find it more convenient to travel, visit relatives, expand business and study on the mainland.  Zhao, S. (1999)

President Clinton personally reaffirmed the "three no's" policy in his visit to Beijing in June 1998: no support to Taiwan independence, no support to one China, one Taiwan, and no support to Taiwan's bid to join the United Nations.

After Chen Shui-bian was inaugurated on May 20 that year (2000), Beijing revised the one-China principle as follows: “There is only one China in the world; China’s sovereignty and territorial integrity cannot be separated.” On international occasions, “one China” refers to the PRC government as the sole legitimate government. Nevertheless, in dealing with cross-strait relations, “one China” does not refer to the PRC—Taiwan and the Mainland are both parts of China. This was very similar to Taipei’s definition adopted by the former Kuomintang (KMT) government in August 1992.
Up until the 2000 statement, Beijing had not accepted this wording, but after Chen Shui-bian assumed office, the new definition was accepted. Tung, C.-y. (2005).

On September 11 that year (2000) , during a media interview, the vice premier clarified the new definition of “one China”: “There is only one China in the world; both the Mainland and Taiwan belong to one China; the sovereignty and territory of China cannot be split.” Tung, C.-y. (2005).

Hu Jintao (2002 -
The official beginning of the “Hu Jintao era” was marked by the SixteenthParty Congress of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), held in October 2002. Nonetheless, it was not until after the Fourth Plenum of the CCP’s Sixteenth Central Committee in September 2004 that Hu began to assert
full control over the development of China’s policy toward Taiwan.

Hu Jintao gradually took over the levers of power from Jiang Zemin between 2002 and 2005 (Party leadership in November 2002, the military in September 2004, and the state in March 2005),

two-handed strategy (criticized by Taiwanese observers)
keep the firm hand sufficiently firm, and the soft hand sufficiently soft
the hard hand becomes harder and the soft one, softer
hard hand -- Anti-secession Law (ASL), which stipulated that any future P.R.C. government shall apply “non-peaceful means” against Taiwan if “Taiwanese independence forces…should act…to cause… Taiwan’s secession from China.”
followed soon after the promulgation of the ASL, was the launching of a series of measures to “win over the hearts and minds of the Taiwanese compatriots
soft hand--launching of a series of measures to “win over the hearts and minds of the
Taiwanese compatriots"  see Appendix 3, Lin (2008)
Lin, C.-P. (2008). More Carrot Than Stick: Beijing's Emerging Taiwan Policy. China Security, 4 (1), 29-39.

“firm hand” aspects of this policy (e.g., the 2005 Anti-Secession Law)
China has been less confident recently because Taiwan’s constitutional reforms through referendum might result in de jure independence. In particular, Beijing was shocked that Taiwan’s KMT changed its mind within a couple of days in November 2003 to support legislation for the referendum
law. As a result, in an effort to thwart movement toward de jure Taiwan independence, China’s National People’s Congress on March 14, 2005, passed theso-called Anti-Secession Law (ASL), which stated that China might use nonpeaceful means against Taiwan. Tung, C.-y. (2005).

anti-secession law China drafted based on the expectation that pro-independence parties would win a majority in Taiwan’s December 2004 legislative elections. Saunders, P. C. (2005).

Anti-Secession Law shows considerable restraint and goodwill, Wei, C. N. (2010).

It is a stick-and-carrot, military coercion, 2005. Prescrìbing the conditions for military action against Taiwan, this law was described by some people in the West and Taiwan as a war authorization law, authorization law, mainly driven by Chinese nationalism Zhao, S. (2006).

More important than the Anti-Secession Law in Hu Jintao’s approach are the “soft” initiatives to push forward cross-strait economic cooperation and integration.

The idea of an anti-secession law was initially intended as a response to Taiwan's enactment of a Referendum Law in Decem- ber 2003. It gained momentum after Chen Shui-bian won a mar- ginal reelection victory in March 2004 and announced a highly provocative zhengmin (name correction) campaign, such as changing the name of state-owned enterprises to emphasize "Taiwan" instead of "Republic of China" and inserting the name "Taiwan" in official correspondence from the foreign ministry. Beijing was very worried that the December legislative yuan election would give Chen the majority necessary to move toward amending the constitution in 2006.Zhao, S. (2006).

Hu Jintao’s Taiwan policy since he took over in 2002 is the provision of real or seemingly real economicbenefits to the Taiwanese, thereby attempting to influence public opinion and, consequently, the Taiwan government’s approach to the mainland.
Cheng-yi Lin, “The Rise of China and Taiwan’s Response: The Anti-Secession
Law as a Case Study,” Issues and Studies 43:1 (March 2007), pp. 159–88

Hu Jintao’s Taiwan policy were designed to intensify
cross-strait economic integration, or—in the DPP’s interpretation—
to increase Taiwan’s economic dependency on the mainland. It can be safely
assumed that this policy rationale has been reinforced after the KMT victory
in May 2008.

In other words, Hu’s Taiwan policy combines two key elements: on the
one hand, reducing military threats and refraining from offensive diplomacy
to minimize Taiwanese resentment; on the other, strengthening economic
interdependence to bolster China’s political leverage.

Chong-Pin Lin, “China’s New Taiwan Policy in Hu’s Era,” Zhongguo Shibao [China
Times], March 1, 2005, 0,3546,110514+112005030800328,00.html>, accessed October 1, 2008. However, the author qualified his stance later in Chong-Pin Lin, “More Carrot Than Stick,” pp. 1–27.

Tse-kang Leng, “State, Business, an Economic Interaction across the Taiwan Strait,”
Issues and Studies 1:11 (November 1995), pp. 40–58; Paul J. Bolt, “Economic Ties across the Taiwan
Strait: Buying Time for Compromise,” ibid., 37:2 (March-April 2001), pp. 80–105; Chen-yuan Tung,
“Cross-Strait Economic Relations: China’s Leverage and Taiwan’s Vulnerability,” ibid., 39:3 (September
2003), pp. 137–75; Tanner, Chinese Economic Coercion against Taiwan, pp. 33–71.